|
Human
Skeletal Remains
by Cynthia S. Bradley
Introduction
1
In keeping with the Crow Canyon Archaeological Center's policy
regarding the treatment of human remains and associated funerary artifacts
(see the field manual),
excavators made no deliberate attempt to find human remains during testing
at Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5). However, six "human remains occurrences,"
or HROs, and 102 isolated skeletal elements were found in multiple locations
during Crow Canyon's test excavations at the site (see Database Map
263 for locations of excavated units). Crow Canyon defines a human
remains occurrence as either a human burial or a concentration of articulated
or disarticulated human bones representing one or more individuals. A
skeletal element is either a bone or a tooth. "Isolated remains" are defined
as fewer than five disarticulated bones or teeth occurring together. No
intact burials, articulated remains, or grave goods were found by Crow
Canyon researchers. Previous disturbance of the remains precluded observations
on mortuary positioning. Artificial cranial deformation, a distinguishing
skeletal trait of ancestral Pueblo people, was not observed, because no
sufficiently complete parietal or occipital bones were exposed during
Crow Canyon's testing. The determination of an ancestral Pueblo cultural
affiliation is therefore based on associated nonmortuary artifacts and
archaeological context.
2
Since the late 1800s, Yellow Jacket Pueblo has been heavily disturbed
by nonprofessional excavations. Crow Canyon archaeologists mapped more
than 800 potholes resulting from these activities (Database Map 267).
Most of the potholes are located in midden areas and probably resulted
from attempts to retrieve complete vessels from burials. Many of the human
remains found during testing by Crow Canyon were collected from midden
areas, and almost all had been displaced both vertically and horizontally
by previous, nonprofessional digging. It was not unusual to find bones
that were apparently from a single individual in two or more strata. Joe
Ben Wheat estimated that nonprofessional diggers had disturbed at least
500 burials at Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Wilson
1990*1:4). Little research has been conducted on any of those remains;
however, Wilson (1990*1)
provides some information on eight partial, unprovenienced skeletons in
private collections that were obtained during nonprofessional excavations
at this site. In addition, some human remains in the great tower complex
(Architectural Block 1200) were disturbed by field school excavations
conducted by the Museum of Western State College in 1931. It is not known
whether those excavations affected disturbed or undisturbed remains; the
brief, and only known, report on the excavations (Hurst
and Lotrich 1932*1) provides no information on human remains.
3
For many years, the University of Colorado Museum conducted a field
school at three small, neighboring sites (Sites 5MT1, 5MT2, and 5MT3;
see Database Map 335) in the Yellow Jacket community, mostly under
the direction of Joe Ben Wheat. The many human remains found at those
sites have been discussed in several publications (e.g., Karhu
2000*1; Malville 1989*1,
1994*1, 1997*1),
and some data in those publications are used here for comparative purposes.
4
This chapter reports on the first analysis of human remains from Yellow
Jacket Pueblo to incorporate both skeletal data and well-documented archaeological
information. Unfortunately, information from these poorly preserved, fragmentary
skeletal elements can contribute comparatively little to our understanding
of the lives of the Yellow Jacket villagers, and the research potential
for regional or thematic studies on health or violence is also limited.
For these reasons, the primary purpose of this chapter is to provide basic
information on the human remains recovered, including condition, mortuary
circumstances, and health status. When possible, comparisons with other
data from ancestral Pueblo sites will be made to place these remains in
a broader cultural context.
Methods
5
Bones were excavated with bamboo tools and brushes; dental picks were
reserved for cleaning teeth. Skeletal analyses were performed by Cynthia
Bradley, the author of this chapter, or Debra Martin, a bioarchaeological
consultant. Osteological data were collected according to the criteria
set forth in Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains
(Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994*1).
The information recorded included skeletal inventories and assessments
of age, sex, dentition, pathologies, trauma, and nonmetric traits; measurements
were taken when possible. Although it is standard bioarchaeological practice
to address possible causes of death when the data allow, the skeletal
evidence from Yellow Jacket was mostly inadequate for this purpose (but
see paragraph 71 for a discussion of injuries sustained
by one individual at or around the time of death).
6
Because the deposits in which human remains were found had been previously
disturbed, and because the condition of the most of the remains was poor,
it was difficult for even experienced archaeologists to identify some
of the bones as human in the field. Some bone concentrations were not
designated HROs until they were examined in the laboratory; only twoHROs
1 and 5were designated in the field and therefore analyzed in situ.
In situ analyses were performed with minimal lifting and washing of the
bones. Archaeological and osteological observations were recorded on a
number of different forms, depending on (1) whether the remains were designated
HROs or were recovered as isolated bones and (2) whether analysis took
place in the field or in the lab. Information was recorded on Standard
Osteological Database (SOD) forms (developed by Buikstra
and Ubelaker [1994*1]), when appropriate, and/or on a variety of Crow
Canyon forms designed for the recording of both field and laboratory data.
Results
7
In this chapter, baseline mortuary and biological data obtained through
Crow Canyon's research are presented and interpreted. This information
is summarized in the accompanying data tables. An explanation of each
characteristic precedes the presentation of the data. The biological data
for HROs 15, which consist of the partial remains of single individuals,
are summarized in Table 1.
The data for the isolated skeletal elements and HRO 6 are presented in
Table 2; HRO 6 is included
in this table rather than in Table 1 because it consists of bones from
more than one person. Many skeletal assessments could not be made because
of poor preservation or incomplete exposure of the bones in the field.
No statistical analyses are possible because of the small number of individuals
represented. Those comparisons that could be made are limited to frequency
analyses.
Condition of the Remains
8
The overall condition of the human remains found at Yellow Jacket Pueblo
is very poor. Well over 50 percent of the skeletal elements are missing
from each HRO (there are 206 bones in the human body; the most represented
in any single HRO is 81 [Table
3]), and of the bones that are present, the majority are less than
25 percent complete (Table
4). Most of the bones are highly fragmentary, many are eroded, and
many are weathered. Few of the isolated bones were mapped or assigned
point-location numbers because of the difficulty of identifying such fragmentary
bones as human in the field. Only 10 of the 90 isolated elements are identified
as long bones, and all but one are less than one-quarter complete. Cranial
bones are few in number. The poor condition of the remains is probably
the result of prior disturbance, of the poor preservational qualities
of clay soils, and of interment in shallow middens. The condition of the
bones in the disturbed contexts indicates that these remains were not
reburied with care after being disturbed.
Age, Sex, and Demography
9
Evaluations of the age and sex of the individuals represented by the Yellow
Jacket Pueblo human remains were hindered considerably by the fragmentary
and incomplete condition of the bones, as well as by the disturbed nature
of the deposits in which they were found. Skeletal data and provenience
information were used together to determine the age, sex, and minimum
number of individuals (MNI) represented by the HROs and isolated remains.
Rather than calculate MNI on the basis of the most common isolated skeletal
element per age class, I determined, and then summed, the minimum number
of individuals by age category for each excavation unit. In excavation
units with evidence of prior postdepositional disturbance, bones from
multiple strata likely were commingled, as were bones from adjoining test
pits and potholes. Because single teeth and single phalanges can be lost
without loss of life, neither of these types of elements was used in these
assessments. For example, three strata in Nonstructure 704 contained,
in total, three adult hand phalanges and one adult clavicle in addition
to two loose, erupted deciduous teeth. The biological evidence thus indicates
at least one adult and at least one child, yielding a total MNI of two
people from this excavation unit.
10
Using this method, I calculate that a minimum of 34 people are represented
in the Yellow Jacket Pueblo human remains assemblage. At least 25 individuals
are represented by isolated skeletal elements. In addition, HROs 15
each contain the bones of a single person, and biological evidence indicates
that these concentrations almost certainly represent portions of previously
disturbed, discrete burials. HRO 6, found in a disturbed midden deposit,
was a concentration of bones from at least four people. This concentration
of bones from multiple individuals resulted either from historic disturbance
and mixing of discrete burials or from undetermined ancestral Pueblo behaviors.
Because HRO 6 contains the bones of more than one person, the biological
data for this HRO are presented with, and in addition to, the isolated
skeletal elements in Table
2. Several bones in HRO 6 are thought to be from one adolescent, as
indicated by the "Link 1" designation in the table. A "link" is a designation
assigned to (1) isolated elements that are probably from the same individual
but which are insufficient in number or in skeletal-element diversity
to warrant an HRO designation, or (2) elements within a multiple-person
HRO that are believed to be from one individual. The assignment of link
designations to bones is based on spatial proximity of the bones, similarity
of skeletal material, size, preservational qualities, and nonduplication
of elements.
11
The 16 subadults (birth to 20 years of age) and 18 adults (more than 20
years of age) in the Yellow Jacket human remains assemblage are further
categorized into finer age groups in Table
5 (following Buikstra and
Ubelaker [1994*1]). Dental and developmental criteria were used whenever
possible, but because of the poor condition of most of the skeletal elements,
many age classifications were based on bone size. Tentative sex assessments
could be made for only two of the 19 individuals old enough for gender
evaluation (Table 5).
Both a middle-aged individual from Structure 1214, represented by an isolated
pubis fragment, and an older adolescent (HRO 1) might have been female.
12
Demographic analyses provide information on conditions faced by living
and past populations, as well as on the ability of a group to cope with
various stressors. For example, high infant mortality (25 to 75 percent)
is expected in societies without antibiotics and is also expected during
periods of environmental stress. Mortality patterns in past populations
are considered representative when they approximate the mortality curves
seen in comparable living populations (Brothwell
1981*1). For example, the pattern documented at Grasshopper Pueblo,
a village occupied from about A.D. 1275 to 1400, is similar to the trends
observed in existing nonantibiotic societies (Hinkes
1983*1). The mortality pattern for Grasshopper reveals a high infant
death rate, a declining mortality rate throughout childhood and adolescence
(with the rate reaching its lowest point in the midteen years), and a
slowly rising rate during adulthood (Table
6). Mortality rates for the remains from Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3, located
just across the draw from Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5), also follow
this expected pattern. However, only 9 percent of the Yellow Jacket Pueblo
individuals were classified as infants, well below the expected frequency.
When Wilson's (1990*1) skeletal
data are included, the frequency of infants is even lower; however, the
absence of infants in Wilson's assemblage could reflect the inability
of nonprofessionals to recognize infant skeletal elements or a lack of
interest in collecting these tiny, fragile bones. The very low infant
death rate represented in the remains found during Crow Canyon's excavations
suggests that it is unlikely that those remains are representative of
the total population of people who died during the occupation of the village.
Therefore, the additional types of demographic analyses performed for
Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3 (Karhu 2000*1:Table
3.1, Table 3.2) and frequency analyses of subadult mortality patterns
(Bradley 1998*1, 2002*1)
were not performed for Yellow Jacket Pueblo.
Mortuary Information
13
The burial of relatives, friends, acquaintances, and even strangers, according
to cultural norms is a hallmark of human culture. Many societies, including
the historic Pueblo peoples, perform very specific mortuary rituals to
guarantee the continuance of the natural order or to control otherwise
dangerous forces. Mortuary analysis can provide unique insights into the
behaviors and world views of groups of human beings (O'Shea
1984*1) and has played a significant role in archaeological interpretations
of the lives of ancestral Pueblo people (Bradley
2002*1, 2002*2; Bullock
1998*1; Schlanger 1992*1;
Stodder 1987*1; Turner
and Turner 1999*1).
14
In undisturbed, formal ancestral Pueblo burials, individuals are fully
articulated, situated in protected locations, arranged in composed positions,
and commonly accompanied by mortuary offerings (Cattanach
1980*1:Table 6; Karhu 2000*1;
Turner and Turner 1999*1:4043).
During the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods, bodies in the Mesa Verde
region were usually placed in composed semiflexed or flexed positions.
Middens were a common burial location (Schlanger
1992*1). The use of ash-laden middens for formal burial locations
in ancient times could be related to the perceived relationship by historic
Pueblo peoples between the deceased and ash, rising smoke, rising souls
as clouds, and rain (Parsons
1939*1; Schlanger 1992*1:12).
15
Formal burials have also been found under floors or in fill deposits of
abandoned, ground-level rooms and in cliff crevices (Turner
and Turner 1999*1). In both ancient and historic times, the bodies
of some Pueblo children were placed on floors in rooms that were then
abandoned; others were placed in burial pits beneath floors in rooms that
continued to be used after an interment (Hinkes
1983*1). Sepulcher burials, in which individuals were placed on the
floors of intact rooms that were then sealed by plugging the doorway,
hatchway, or both, have also been discovered (Bradley
1988*1; Morris 1924*1;
Nordenskiöld 1979*1).
Archaeologists have also found formal burials within the fills of kivas
(Cattanach 1980*1:143, Table
6; Martin et al. 2001*1).
Formal burials are seldom found on kiva floors, and their presence in
those locations may indicate an unusual or catastrophic event, as apparently
occurred at Woods Canyon Pueblo, another site tested by Crow Canyon, not
far from Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Bradley
2002*2).
16
At Yellow Jacket Pueblo, Crow Canyon excavators found human skeletal remains
in 26 percent (29 of 112) of the test pits. Of these 29 units, over half
were midden deposits; HROs 1, 3, 4, 5, and 6 and many of the isolated
bones were found in midden deposits. Skeletal remains were also associated
with six masonry structures, four extramural surfaces, and the wall of
a possible dam.
17
Unfortunately, it was impossible to ascertain the original mortuary positioning
of any individual, primarily because of prior disturbance. Also, no mortuary
items were found with any HRO or skeletal element. This is not surprising,
because finding and retrieving such items seems to have been at least
one of the motives that led to the previous disturbance of many Yellow
Jacket Pueblo burials (Wilson
1990*1). In contrast, 75 percent of the burials found at Sites 5MT1
and 5MT3 were accompanied by grave goods. Karhu
(2000*1:81) states that this is a high frequency of grave goods compared
with what has been documented elsewhere in the region and suggests that
this unusually high rate may have something to do with the proximity of
these small hamlets to the large village (Yellow Jacket Pueblo [Site 5MT5]).
If this were the case, the Yellow Jacket Pueblo burials would presumably
have been accompanied by similar, if not more abundant, grave goods; this
could help explain the intensive and prolonged targeting of Yellow Jacket
Pueblo burials by nonprofessional diggers.
18
The presence of human remains in atypical mortuary locations may indicate
that, in response to some unusual circumstance, people either could not
or chose not to employ traditional mortuary practices. For example, the
location of human remains on a courtyard surface or a kiva floor suggests
some unusual situation, especially if the remains exhibit evidence of
perimortem trauma indicative of intentional violence (Bradley
1998*1; Karhu 2000*1;
Kuckelman et al. 2002*2;
Lightfoot and Kuckelman 2001*1;
Turner and Turner 1999*1).
Thus, further evaluation is necessary when human bones are encountered
in unexpected locations.
19
Skeletal elements representing at least 14 people (HRO 2 and 43 isolated
skeletal elements) were found in eight atypical mortuary locations at
Yellow Jacket Pueblo. However, none of these bones show direct evidence
of unusual activities or cultural practices. Three isolated skeletal elements
from extramural surfaces Nonstructure 506 and Nonstructure 2606 could
have been displaced during structure remodeling.
20
Twenty-one bones and 19 loose teeth were found in seven excavation units
associated with six structures. These test pits were within one surface
room (Structure 204), one subterranean structure (Structure 704), one
bi-wall room (Structure 1214), and three kivas (Structures 1201, 1209,
and 1211). Stratigraphic evidence indicates that the human remains from
Structures 204 and 704 were in situ and had not been disturbed in historic
times. It is possible that the one bone and nine teeth found in the fill
of Structure 204 were deposited during remodeling of other structures.
The dispersed bones from the fill of Structure 704 were in a traditional
burial location; this subterranean structure was last used as a midden.
These bones (three mature phalanges and one adult clavicle fragment) could
have been displaced by rodents.
21
Seven human bones, representing at least three people, were found in undisturbed
deposits in and above the fill of a bi-wall room (Structure 1222/1214
and Arbitrary Unit 1200, Segment 5) within the great tower complex. At
Sand Canyon Pueblo, both formal and informal burials were found in a great
kiva bi-wall room and in a kiva corner room (Bradley
1998*1), so a great tower bi-wall room at Yellow Jacket Pueblo could
have been an intentional mortuary location. However, the original interment
location of the aforementioned seven bones is unknown, because all but
one of these skeletal elements were in collapsed wall material in the
upper fill of the room. It is unknown how the very fragmentary, poorly
preserved, and sparse remains of at least three people (an adult, an adolescent,
and a child) came to rest in wall debris that was deposited postoccupationally.
These skeletal elements were not associated with roof fall that would
suggest either intramural burial within Structure 1222 or nonburial on
the roof of Structure 1222. Our test trench exposed only a small part
of the great tower, so perhaps these human remains were originally located
in an adjoining bi-wall room or on a nearby roof. Examination of the analysis
data from the artifacts and faunal remains from the upper strata of this
excavation unit might lead to additional insights. An adult pubis fragment
was found in the lower fill of the same bi-wall room, but because there
is a substantial amount of intervening wall and roof debris, it is unlikely
that this bone is from any of the individuals represented in the upper
strata.
22
Two adults and three children are represented by the 14 bones and teeth
found in three previously excavated kivas in the great tower complex.
These incomplete remains were found in backdirt deposited during the excavations
in 1931 by the Western State College field school. The excavation and
backfill methods used during the field school suggest that the remains
originated in a structure adjacent to the structure in which they were
found (see paragraph 32 in
"Architecture"). However, it is not known if the remains were originally
located on active use surfaces or in structure fill, nor is it known if
the remains were formally interred. Thus, the original disposition of
the remains might have indicated an unusual circumstance, perhaps violence,
or the remains might have been interred in typical burial locations.
23
The bones of one adult (HRO 2) were vertically dispersed in postoccupational
fill next to a masonry wall that might have been a dam. The bones consist
of four small, long-bone shaft fragments and approximately 20 to 30 unidentifiable
fragments. If the wall was a dam, the remains of this individual would
have been just within or at the edge of a reservoir. The condition of
these very poorly preserved remains indicates that they had lain on the
ground, where they were exposed to the elements. The bones were examined
in the lab, and no evidence of perimortem trauma was detected. However,
such evidence could have been obliterated by the extensive postmortem
damage. The taphonomy of these bones is unknown. Evidence indicates that
the stratigraphy of the excavation unit in which the bones were found
had not been disturbed by human activity in historic times. The upslope
environment consists of exposed sandstone bedrock, which would not have
been a potential burial location. Burial near an active reservoir also
seems unlikely. So, these bones could be the remains of a person who died
near the dam and was left unburied. Alternatively, perhaps this individual
was interred in a midden area upslope from the bedrock but within the
area that drained into the reservoir. If so, the human remains in this
excavation unit might have been moved downstream by natural forces. However,
the bones are very fragmentary and represent several regions of the body
(cranium, torso, arms, and legs); it is unlikely that this variety of
skeletal elements would be present in one cluster if the bones had been
displaced more than a few meters.
24
Thus, the evidence indicates that most of the Yellow Jacket Pueblo individuals
represented probably received traditional ancestral Pueblo burial treatment.
It is possible, however, that some individuals, especially in the great
tower complex, were not formally buried. It could be that either natural
depositional forces or human actions in the historic period created the
observed contexts, but ancient human behaviors, including violence, cannot
be ruled out. Unfortunately, the condition of the bones is so poor that
the skeletal data contribute no additional insights.
Skeletal Indicators of Health
25
Skeletal indicators of health represent the reaction of the skeleton to
nutrition, infection, and developmental disorders. For the most part,
only chronic or serious episodes affect the skeleton. Throughout much
of human history, many people have died from acute (quick-acting and severe)
disease processes, such as respiratory or gastrointestinal infections,
before a skeletal response can occur (Ortner
and Putschar 1981*1:104). The Yellow Jacket Pueblo human remains were
evaluated for dental enamel hypoplasia (DEH), infectious caries and abscesses,
periostitis, porotic hyperostosis, other lesions, stunting, and concurrent
indicators of stress. Cumulatively, such data can provide insights into
the health status of an individual or a community. However, few such assessments
were possible for the Yellow Jacket Pueblo human remains because of the
poor preservation of the bones. The few skeletal responses identified
are detailed in Table 7.
The information on dental enamel hypoplasia, although limited, provides
the most reliable skeletal indicator of the health of the villagers.
Dental Enamel Hypoplasia
26
Dental enamel hypoplasia (DEH) is a developmental defect created by the
disruption of tooth crown, or dental enamel, formation (Goodman
and Rose 1991*1). Most commonly, DEH results from the body's systemic
response to infection, malnutrition, or both. Systemic reactions involve
more than one tooth simultaneously in more than one quadrant of the mouth.
Trauma, such as a blow to the mouth, can also create DEH, in which case
the defect affects only one or a very few adjacent teeth.
27
What the occurrence of DEH can tell researchers about the health of individuals
varies depending on whether the condition is observed in deciduous or
permanent teeth. Because deciduous teeth develop in utero, deciduous-tooth
DEH is viewed primarily as an indirect indicator of maternal infection
and malnutrition; it rarely occurs when the mother is healthy and well-fed.
In contrast, permanent teeth develop between birth and about seven years
of age, so DEH in permanent teeth is considered to be a direct reflection
of the health of the child. Anterior teeth (incisors and canines) provide
the most reliable DEH data (Hillson
1986*1; Malville 1997*1).
Because enamel formation occurs in a predictable, or chronometric, sequence,
DEH provides the only reliable determination of chronological age-at-stress.
To assess age-at-stress in the permanent teeth, I used the chart developed
by Goodman and Rose (1991*1:288).
Since chronometric standards for deciduous dentition have yet to be developed,
deciduous DEH is recorded only as present or absent. Deciduous- and permanent-tooth
DEH are discussed in separate sections that follow.
28
Crow Canyon researchers found no complete sets of teeth at Yellow Jacket
Pueblo. Twelve deciduous teeth, 74 permanent teeth, and four indeterminate
tooth fragments were identified. Because of worn enamel or postmortem
damage, only 50 percent of these 90 teeth were assessable for DEH (Table
8).
29
None of the six assessable deciduous teeth exhibits DEH. The very small
number of teeth, however, thwarts appraisals of systemic stress and maternal
stress, as well as comparisons with regional populations. Nonetheless,
the absence of deciduous DEH in the Yellow Jacket Pueblo assemblage is
perhaps surprising when one considers the combined (deciduous and permanent)
46 percent rate of affected individuals reported for nearby Sites 5MT1
and 5MT3 (Karhu 2000*1).
Thirty-nine permanent teeth (53 percent) were observable for dental enamel
hypoplasia. DEH affected 46 percent of all permanent teeth and 80 percent
of permanent anterior teeth. Only five individuals with more than one
tooth have incisors or canines, the most commonly affected tooth types,
so it is likely that the rate of affected individuals is underestimated.
30
Because assessment of systemic stress DEH requires more than one tooth,
and requires teeth from different quadrants of the mouth, only four sets
of anterior teeth could be evaluated for this condition (Table
9). Of these four, only HRO 1 and the Link 1 teeth (teeth that probably
belong to a single individual) in HRO 6 have more than one tooth affected
by a single stress episode. However, the dearth of multiple, assessable
anterior teeth from other individuals hinders the evaluation of systemic
stress reactions.
31
Age-at-stress was calculated for every assessable anterior tooth. This
analysis shows that dental defects from DEH developed most frequently
and almost uniformly from 2.0 through 3.5 years of age at Yellow Jacket
Pueblo, which is about six months earlier than in both neighboring and
regional populations (Malville
1997*1). The Yellow Jacket Pueblo teeth also have more defects per
tooth. The combination of an extended period of stress and more episodes
per tooth could indicate that the individuals represented by these teeth
were unusually physiologically stressed; however, given the small sample
size, these individuals might not be representative of the village population
as a whole.
32
Research at nearby small sites suggests the possibility of differential
levels of stress across time periods (Karhu
2000*1; Malville 1994*1).
Specifically, Malville (1994*1:352)
identifies a decrease in DEH from the Pueblo II to the Pueblo III periods
at Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3. Data from our testing at Yellow Jacket Pueblo
indicate that the village was inhabited from the late Pueblo II through
the Pueblo III periods. Unfortunately, our tooth assemblage is too small
for diachronic comparisons. Further, although four of the individuals
with multiple teeth were adolescents or young adults who might have experienced
stress at roughly the same time in prehistory, it is impossible to know
if they were, in fact, contemporaries. To summarize, the available information
suggests that the DEH patterns of the Yellow Jacket Pueblo individuals
are similar to those of individuals from neighboring and regional populations,
although there is some indication of unusually early childhood stress
in a few individuals.
Infectious Caries and Abscesses
33
Caries that invade the pulp cavity offer a significant risk of infection
from plaque bacteria such as Streptococcus mutans, Actinomyces
israelii, and Gram negative bacteria (Hillson
1986*1:316). No teeth from Yellow Jacket Pueblo show evidence of infectious
caries. One permanent tooth has a large, circular pit caries on the occlusal
surface, but the caries had not yet invaded the pulp cavity. The few dental
calculus deposits that were present were insignificant in size. No abscesses
were identified, but few mandibular and maxillary bones were available
for examination.
Periostitis
34
Periostitis is an inflammation of the periosteum, the membrane of connective
tissue covering bone shafts (Ortner
and Putschar 1981*1:129). It is the most common bone inflammation
identified in skeletal remains. Primary periostitis can occur as a skeletal
response to a systemic, bacterial infection, such as that caused by Streptococcus
or Staphylococcus microorganisms. In such cases, the lesions can
be extensive, layered, and circumferential, and they can affect several
bones simultaneously. The tibia is the long bone most frequently affected
by primary periostitis, and bilateral tibial lesions are particularly
indicative of a systemic infection (Martin
et al. 1991*1:129). In addition, an inflammation called secondary
periostitis can develop as a localized response to a bacterial infection
of the overlying tissues from cuts, bruises, or fractures.
35
No cases of primary periostitis were identified in the human bone assemblage
from Yellow Jacket Pueblo, but assessments were substantially hindered
by the generally poor condition of the remains. Most of the long-bone
fragments are proximal or distal ends, although there are a few highly
eroded midshaft sections. The only complete long bones are in HRO 1 (an
older adolescent) and HRO 5 (a young adult). No leg bones were associated
with HRO 1, but both radii and ulnae are in good condition and show no
evidence of disease. The left humerus of HRO 5 was in good condition as
well, and it showed no periosteal lesions.
36
There are, however, two instances of localized reactions in the Yellow
Jacket Pueblo remains. Link 1 of HRO 6 (an older adolescent) has mild,
activeas well as healedlesions on the left mandibular ascending
ramus; these reactions are possibly an inflammatory response to the eruption
of the third molar. The skull of HRO 1 exhibits a small area of reactive
woven bone associated with a possible healed cranial depression fracture
of the right frontal; this fracture is discussed further in paragraph
54.
37
Karhu (2000*1) finds that
5 percent of the individuals from nearby Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3 had periostitis
and that lower long bones were most commonly affected. It is not possible
to make equivalent assessments for the human remains from Yellow Jacket
Pueblo.
Porotic Hyperostosis
38
Porotic hyperostosis is the skeletal reaction to iron-deficiency anemia
that affects the eye orbits and cranial vault bones. It occurs when the
blood-forming marrow bone between the inner and outer vault surfaces expands
as the body responds to the need for increased hemoglobin production.
This skeletal response can create surface lesions with a porous, spongy
appearance. In New World populations, anemia results from nutritional
deficiency, parasitism, or infection. Maize-reliant diets, in particular,
produce high rates of anemia. Such diets are unbalanced to begin with,
and corn, in addition to being low in iron, contains phytic acid, which
greatly inhibits intestinal absorption of iron.
39
Crow Canyon researchers found only 22 cranial bones at Yellow Jacket Pueblo,
of which 14 belong to the partly exposed cranium of HRO 1 (an older adolescent).
The vault surfaces of this skull were the only bones from Yellow Jacket
Pueblo that could be assessed for porotic hyperostosis. This cranium has
mild to moderate healed porotic lesions on the central region of the frontal
and healed lesions in both orbits, although the left orbit is more severely
affected. In Wilson's assemblage of human remains from Yellow Jacket Pueblo,
she identified mild to marked cases of porotic hyperostosis in four or
five of eight individuals (50 to 63 percent) (Wilson
1990*1). This is similar to the 66 percent rate Karhu
(2000*1) reports for the assemblages from Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3. Wilson's
findings are also similar to rates of porotic hyperostosis identified
in other ancestral Pueblo populations (Martin
et al. 1991*1:158). So, despite the dearth of cranial remains in Crow
Canyon's assemblage from Yellow Jacket Pueblo, we can assume that the
villagers experienced bouts of anemia similar to those of other ancient
Pueblo populations in the region.
Other Lesions
40
HRO 1 (an older adolescent) has a small button osteoma on her right radius.
Button osteomas are benign bone tumors that are frequently found in archaeological
populations (Ortner and Putschar
1981*1:378). Such tumors rarely diminish a person's health status.
Stunting
41
Stunting, or growth retardation, is manifested as stature that is significantly
below average. Stunting in adults and older adolescents is assessed by
comparing the maximum length of a long bone, preferably the femur, to
the average length of the same bone in same-aged and same-sexed individuals
from a genetically similar population. The diaphyseal length of a long
bone is used to assess stunting in a subadult whose diaphysis and epiphyses
had not yet fused. Final stature is achieved when all limb bone diaphyses
and epiphyses are completely fused. The bones of children do not show
distinct sexual characteristics; thus, stunting assessments of children's
remains do not involve comparisons to same-sexed individuals.
42
Long-bone growth occurs in a genetically controlled sequence but is significantly
affected by the health and nutritional status of the individual. Persistent
adolescent anxiety may blunt the activity of human growth hormone, resulting
in stunted final stature in females (Pine
et al. 1996*1). Acute physiological stress can temporarily halt growth,
although children usually experience catch-up growth after such stress
is relieved. When stress is chronic or of long duration, this rebound
effect is less likely to occur. Therefore, since linear growth takes place
from the fetal period until the end of puberty, long-bone length is considered
to be an effective, long-term indicator of an individual's health status.
43
The only complete long bones from Yellow Jacket Pueblo are from an older
adolescent (HRO 1) and a young adult (HRO 5). All are arm bones, which
are, unfortunately, the least reliable indicators of stature. For this
analysis, I use Genovés's formulas for Mesoamerican populations
(Genovés [1967*1]
as cited in Krogman and Iscan
[1986*1:Table 8.16]). Stature estimates based on these formulas indicate
that neither HRO 1 nor HRO 5 experienced stunted growth. The length of
the arm bones of HRO 1 (whose epiphyses are not completely fused), indicates
a height of 149 cm (4 ft 10 in), if female, and 154 cm (5 ft 1 in), if
male. Both estimates suggest a short person, but one whose stature was
within the normal range for either sex, especially if final stature had
not yet been achieved. HRO 5 was an estimated 161 cm (5 ft 3 in) tall,
whether male or female. This estimate exceeds the average Mesa Verderegion
female stature of 155.6 cm (5 ft 1 in) and approximates the average male
stature of 162.1 cm (5 ft 4 in) (Martin
et al. 2001*1:Table 4.12).
44
Karhu (2000*1), using Genovés's
formulas, estimates a mean female stature of 153.4 cm (5 ft 0 in) and
a mean male stature of 162.9 cm (5 ft 4 in) for individuals represented
at nearby Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3. Further, Wilson
(1990*1) reports that two males from Yellow Jacket Pueblo were an
estimated 165.5 +/- 2.8 cm (5 ft 5 in) and 173.3 +/- 2.8 cm (5 ft 8 in)
tall, also based on Genovés's formulas. These comparative data,
though based on very few bones, tentatively suggest that neither stunted
growth nor the conditions that contribute to growth retardation were prevalent
at Yellow Jacket Pueblo.
Concurrent Indicators of Infectious and Nutritional Stress
45
Bioarchaeologists recommend the use of several, rather than single, skeletal
indicators to make more accurate assessments of physiological stress,
especially in regard to nutritional status (Armelagos
and Goodman 1991*1:51). The multiple-indicator approach is considered
to be more revealing of patterns of chronic, acute, or subgroup physiological
stress (Martin et al. 2001*1).
This technique also addresses the bioarchaeological reality of incomplete
remains, in which a single indicator cannot always be assessed in all
skeletons found at a site. In addition to providing diverse data on the
physiological history of an individual, multiple-indicator analysis allows
a more accurate evaluation of the intensity of skeletal stress in a specific
stress episode (Cook and Buikstra
1979*1:656). That is, as the severity of a physiological stress incident
increases, the number of concurrently affected bones and tissue types
increases. Assessments of concurrent indicators are used on more-complete
skeletons rather than on isolated elements, primarily because it is not
possible to assess systemic reactions from a single bone or tooth.
46
Assessments of concurrent stress were not possible for HROs 2 through
6 because of their poorly preserved and incomplete condition. However,
the remains of HRO 1 (an older adolescent) were assessable for some indicators
of stress. It is possible that some of the porotic lesions on this adolescent's
cranium (see paragraph 39) developed during an
episode of anemia in early childhood. If so, they could be associated
with the DEH noted for this same individual (see paragraph
30). The bones in HRO 1 exhibit no concurrent skeletal reactions to
illness or nutritional disorders at the time of death.
Skeletal Damage
47
In this section, burning, various types of fractures and other injuries,
and osteoarthritis are discussed. Every skeletal element found at Yellow
Jacket Pueblo was evaluated for burning and fracture; only adult remains
were evaluated for osteoarthritis because this is an age-related condition.
Adult remains were also assessed for occupational markers such as squatting
facets. No occupational markers were identified in the Yellow Jacket Pueblo
human remains, no doubt due in part to the poor condition of the remains.
The types of skeletal damage identified in the Yellow Jacket Pueblo remains
are detailed in Table 7.
Burning
48
Bone most commonly becomes burned as the result of human actions, but
burning can also occur under natural and depositional circumstances. Specific
changes in bone color and surface texture indicate the degree of thermal
alteration (White 1992*1).
The extent of burning is affected by such factors as the duration and
intensity of heat exposure, the thickness of the overlying soft tissues,
and the moisture content of the bone (Turner
and Turner 1999*1:19).
49
The only burned element found by Crow Canyon researchers at Yellow Jacket
Pueblo is a molar root with black and white coloration. This isolated
tooth was found in collapsed wall debris in a bi-wall room, Structure
1214. Although other bones were also found in this deposit, no others
showed evidence of burning. It is possible that this molar root was lost
during life as part of a natural process and was either intentionally
or accidentally deposited in an active firepit. However, the means by
which these isolated bones came to rest in this stratum is unknown, which
hinders our ability to resolve how this tooth fragment became burned.
Fractures and Other Injuries
50
Skeletal fracture provides direct evidence of both accidental and intentional
human actions, as well as information regarding the depositional circumstances
of a skeleton. For example, "parrying" fractures of the forearm midshaft
commonly represent defensive reactions (Ubelaker
1989*1). Both lethal and nonlethal cranial fractures are especially
associated with intentional violence (Ortner
and Putschar 1981*1). Because of the relative plasticity of the cranium,
blows to the vault bones must be very vigorous for fracture to occur (Krogman
and Iscan 1986*1:393). Facial fractures resulting from the use of
a weapon ordinarily indicate homicidal intent, whereas blows from a fist
tend to represent nonlethal motives (Walker
1989*3). In contrast, the locations of fractures caused by accidental
injuries are more random, although fractures may occur in patterns that
relate to environmental conditionsfor example, wrist fractures among
people living in icy climates.
51
Fracture evaluations include an assessment of when the damage occurred.
Antemortem fractures are those that occur before death. Antemortem fractures
are easily distinguished from perimortem and postmortem fractures because
they show evidence of healing; the extent of bone remodeling increases
with the length of time since injury (Krogman
and Iscan 1986*1). Perimortem fractures occur at or around the time
of death, when the bone is still moist, elastic, and "green." Green long-bone
fractures have sharp edges and are often longitudinal or spiral. Also,
small adhering bone flakes can be held in place by periosteal tissue.
52
Postmortem fracture occurs after death, when the bone has lost its organic
collagen component and has become brittle. Bone surfaces and edges can
become quite eroded from ground or surface weathering, and bones will
eventually disintegrate. Postmortem breaks are characterized by irregular
fracture lines and the absence of adhering flakes, because the periosteum
is no longer present. Dry bone fractures usually have rough and jagged
edges (White and Folkens 1991*1:358),
although postmortem fractures of long bones often produce short, straight
splinters at transverse angles to the diaphysis (Villa
and Mahieu 1991*1:34). A blow that creates a depression fracture in
the bone of a living or recently deceased person will shatter the same
bone in a long-dead individual. Neither perimortem nor postmortem injuries
will show evidence of healing. However, because bone can remain green
for several years after death, depending on the depositional environment
and the age of the individual, it often is difficult to differentiate
between perimortem and ancient postmortem breaks.
53
Most of the skeletal elements from Yellow Jacket Pueblo showed significant
postmortem fracturing and weathering. However, postmortem damage will
not be addressed further here because the factors that produced this type
of damage are discussed in paragraph 2 and paragraph
8.
54
Only two bones in the Yellow Jacket assemblage show skeletal evidence
of antemortem injury: a radius and a partly exposed anterior cranium.
An older adolescent (HRO 1) exhibited a healed antemortem fracture that
produced a slightly depressed right nasal bone as well as a roughened
line suggestive of remodeled bone on the left nasal bone. The misshapen
and asymmetrical appearance of the nasal bone suggests a blow to the left
side. This individual also has a small irregularity above the right orbit
that could be a healed depression fracture. This possible injury is associated
with a localized periosteal reaction. It is conceivable that this possible
cranial fracture and the broken nose occurred during one incident; however,
it is not possible to determine this for certain, because both injuries
exhibit only healed bone. The active periosteal reaction in the area of
the possible depression fracture, however, could mean that this fracture
occurred after the nose was broken. Because remodeling can take an extended
period of time, the completely healed conditions of these two fractures
indicate that the probable perimortem damage discussed in the following
paragraph would have occurred at least several weeks or months later.
(This same adolescent also has a small enthesophyte on the anterior surface
of the right radius. Enthesophytes, or bone spurs, are bony projections
that develop at ligament or tendon attachments in response to a muscle
pull or tear. It is possible that this individual did not even notice
this common, minor injury.)
55
Martin observed evidence of perimortem damage on a single cranium (HRO
1). The frontal region near the right zygomatic of HRO 1 has three to
four 10-mm-long possible cut marks and multiple smaller striations. This
perimortem damage consists of shallow, parallel striations that are visible
to the naked eye. The nearby zygomatic bone has a few microscopic striations
that were visible only with the use of a hand lens and were interpreted
as possible cut marks or abrasions. Postmortem staining suggests that
these are ancient, rather than recent, damage. This cranium was partly
exposed in the corner of an excavation unit, and much of the cranial vault
was not observable.
56
Throughout time, accidents have been a common cause of skeletal trauma
(Ortner and Putschar 1981*1),
and a significant proportion of cranial injuries in modern industrial
societies occurs during falls (Walker
[1989*3:318], citing Gurdjian
[1973*1]). It is conceivable that a slide or tumble down a talus slope
produced the possible abrasions or cut marks near HRO 1's right orbit
(zygomatic and frontal bones are covered by thin layers of soft tissue
and are susceptible to scraping injuries). Alternatively, this perimortem
damage could have occurred as a result of intentional violence; it is
possible that the marks were produced by grazing of the cranium with a
stone weapon or implement during a violent event. In addition, similar
cut marks on frontal bones have been reported from numerous sites in the
Southwest and have been inferred by other researchers to be evidence of
scalping (Allen et al. 1985*1;
France 1988*1; Kuckelman
et al. 2002*2; Turner and
Turner 1999*1; White 1992*1:206).
It was not possible to determine whether the perimortem damage on the
skull of HRO 1 was associated with lethal injuries, because the remains
were disturbed and the cranium was not completely exposed.
57
All of the above damage could have resulted from accidental or intentional
actions. Broken noses commonly result from intentional, nonlethal violence,
such as a blow from a fist, although accidental injury from a fall or
during roughhousing cannot be ruled out. The possible minor antemortem
depression fracture could have been caused by a blow from a blunt object
and, thus, represent intentional, nonlethal violence. However, young children
and adolescents commonly acquire minor depression fractures during accidental
falls or roughhousing, and these fractures can retain their shape for
many years (Martin et al. 2001*1).
58
The healed broken nose, the possible healed depression fracture, and the
perimortem damage to the facial region of the anterior cranium raise the
suspicion that this person, probably female, was a target of nonlethal
violence more than once, possibly during raids or episodes of domestic
violence. Martin et al. (2001*1)
make a strong case that there were at least some battered women at La
Plata valley sites in New Mexico. Kuckelman
(2001*1) reports evidence of battered females at Castle Rock Pueblo
as well.
Osteoarthritis
59
Osteoarthritis is a degenerative disease of the joints resulting in inflammation
and destruction of both bone and cartilage. This age-related condition
is often associated with abrupt repetitive motions or skeletal trauma.
Habitual and prolonged activities can place stress on bony muscle attachments
and produce lipping, spurring, and elevated tubercles (Kennedy
1989*1:134). Osteoarthritis is commonly identified in prehistoric
and historic human remains (Ortner
and Putschar 1981*1).
60
Six isolated bones from Yellow Jacket Pueblo exhibit evidence of mild
or moderate osteoarthritis. Four of the bones are complete hand phalanges;
their archaeological contexts indicate that they are from four different
adults of unknown age. The fifth arthritic bone is a vertebral centrum
with mild lipping. Arthritis in the hands and the backbone is not uncommon
in groups that perform repetitive physical activities such as corn grinding.
The sixth arthritic bone, the fragmentary sacrum of HRO 5 (a young adult),
shows moderate porosity and lipping; this is unusual, because other bones
in this concentration indicate that this person was a young adult. Although
all the vertebrae from this individual are fragmentary, none of the four
thoracic and three lumbar vertebral centra exhibits any signs of osteoarthritis.
It is possible that the sacral osteoarthritis is secondary to a specific
pelvic injury that could not be observed because the affected pelvic bone
was either absent or poorly preserved. It is also possible that this element
was from a different person. Mild to moderate osteoarthritic lesions such
as these are common in the assemblages from Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3 (Karhu
2000*1), and they also occur in the older individuals from Yellow
Jacket Pueblo assessed by Wilson
(1990*1).
Skeletal Evidence of Relatedness
61
In this section, I discuss skeletal characteristics that provide insight
into cultural and biological relationships. These characteristics include
artificial cranial deformation, congenital defects, and nonmetric traits.
The few skeletal markers of relatedness that were observed in the Yellow
Jacket Pueblo human remains are also discussed.
Artificial Cranial Deformation
62
Artificial cranial deformation occurs when the pliable cranial bones of
an infant are flattened or otherwise shaped by cultural practices. Cranial
deformation, often asymmetrical, can be caused by the use of cradleboards.
A specific head shape can also be produced by wrapping the head in a deliberate,
prescribed pattern. Among ancient Southwestern populations, artificial
cranial deformation is indicative of ancestral Pueblo cultural affiliation.
63
No cranial bones of sufficient size for observation of deformation were
found during Crow Canyon's research at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. However,
Wilson (1990*1) identified
"possible" and "marked" occipital flattening on the Yellow Jacket Pueblo
crania that she analyzed. Thus, it is likely that artificial cranial deformation
was practiced by the villagers at Yellow Jacket.
Congenital Defects
64
As noted by Barnes (1994*1:xxx),
"every population has its own genetic pattern of developmental tendencies
for producing particular defects." Spina bifida is a fairly common developmental
condition in ancestral Pueblo populations. Karhu
(2000*1) identified this defect in the assemblages from Sites 5MT1
and 5MT3, and I documented one possible case at Woods Canyon Pueblo (Bradley
2002*2:par. 81). No evidence of this condition or any other genetic
anomaly is present in the Yellow Jacket Pueblo human remains found by
Crow Canyon researchers.
Nonmetric Traits
65
Nonmetric traits are skeletal features that can be observed but not measured,
such as fusion anomalies like septal aperture of the humerus. These traits
are considered to show familial inheritance and are used to evaluate biological
distance (Buikstra and Ubelaker
1994*1). In the Yellow Jacket Pueblo assemblage, only five traits
in two individuals were assessable. HRO 1 (an older adolescent) has a
supraorbital foramen, and HRO 5 (a young adult) has a septal aperture
and bilateral occurrence of a single mental foramen, but no mandibular
torus or mylohyoid bridge. These data are too few to allow meaningful
inferences about the population as a whole.
Summary and Conclusions
66
During limited testing at Yellow Jacket Pueblo, researchers from the Crow
Canyon Archaeological Center found the fragmentary, poorly preserved,
and disarticulated human remains of at least 34 individuals comprising
16 subadults and 18 adults. No intact burials or even small groups of
articulated bones were found, nor were any grave goods associated with
the remains. Stratigraphy indicates that most of these human remains had
been damaged and disturbed, either by nonprofessional diggers or by Western
State College field school participants in 1931. It is also possible that
some of these remains were disturbed and reburied in new locations during
the occupation of the village. Many bones were vertically and horizontally
displaced, and it was not possible to determine the original body positioning
or orientation of any of the remains.
67
Most human remains were found in middens. One reason for this is that,
with the exception of the great tower complex, our research focused on
middens and areas behind roomblocks. This research focus hinders mortuary-location
comparisons between Yellow Jacket Pueblo and nearby Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3,
as well as with Sand Canyon, Castle Rock, and Woods Canyon pueblos, which
also were tested by Crow Canyon.
68
Local oral histories indicate that, during much of the twentieth century,
nonprofessional diggers deliberately dug in middens at Yellow Jacket Pueblo
to find formal burials and obtain grave goods (Wilson
1990*1). Although few of these nonprofessional diggers kept records,
it is likely that most of the affected human remains had been formally
buried, as at Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3 (Karhu
2000*1). The common use of middens as burial locations by ancestral
Pueblo groups throughout the region further suggests that most, if not
all, of the individuals found in the Yellow Jacket Pueblo middens were
buried according to traditional mortuary practices. It is alternatively
possible, however, that some of the individuals found in midden units
were originally interred in a haphazard fashion without benefit of formal
burial.
69
On the other hand, the mortuary circumstances of the very incomplete and
fragmentary remains of at least nine individuals from the great tower
complex are more difficult to discern. These individualsa minimum
of four adults, one adolescent, and four children might or might not have
been formally buried. Their original mortuary contexts are unknown, partly
because much of this block was excavated by the Western State College
field school in 1931. The limited scope of Crow Canyon's test excavations
also contribute to the interpretive problems. Ecological and site-formation
processes might also have been factors leading to atypical mortuary locations,
but human behaviors that could include violence cannot be ruled out. No
evidence of perimortem trauma was discernible on the scant skeletal remains
from the great tower complex; this might have been a result of the eroded
and deteriorated condition of the bones.
70
The generally poor condition of the bones in the Yellow Jacket Pueblo
assemblage prevented the assessment of most pathological conditions and
nonmetric traits. Dental enamel hypoplasia data provide the only reliable
information on the health of the individuals represented. These DEH data
indicate that young children experienced episodes of physiological stress,
but the extent of the stress is unclear. The almost complete absence of
cranial vault bones precluded assessments of porotic hyperostosis, one
of the most commonly identified pathological conditions observed in ancestral
Pueblo remains. It is likely, however, that the frequency of porotic hyperostosis
at Yellow Jacket Pueblo would have followed regional trends. Overall,
the available biological skeletal information does not suggest that the
health problems of the Yellow Jacket Pueblo villagers were unusual as
compared with the health problems of nearby and regional ancestral Pueblo
groups.
71
The remains of only one person, an older adolescent (HRO 1), show evidence
of skeletal trauma. The antemortem wounds on these remains consist of
a healed broken nose and a possible small, healed, cranial depression
fracture of the forehead. Perimortem injuries consist of parallel possible
cut marks on the right frontal, and possible cut marks or abrasions in
the region of the right zygomatic. The cause of death of this possible
female is unknown, but the marks on the cranium indicate that she could
have been scalped. The perimortem injuries observed were probably nonlethal,
but they occurred around the time of death and could have been associated
with the death. Most of the cranium was not exposed, so the presence of
potentially lethal fractures elsewhere on the cranium cannot be ruled
out. The mortuary context indicates that the body had been deliberately
interred, although whether the individual received a haphazard burial,
as occurred with battered females in the La Plata valley (Martin
et al. 2001*1), is unknown.
72
Yellow Jacket Pueblo is believed to have served as the ritual center of
a community, as evidenced by the presence of a great kiva. The large size
of the village and the extended length of occupation might also suggest
a specific, perhaps regional, status. Ancestral Pueblo human remains from
nearby small Site 5MT1 show evidence of unusual violence dating from the
Pueblo II period, and human remains from Site 5MT3 dating from the Pueblo
II and Pueblo III periods show skeletal evidence of violence as well (Karhu
2000*1; Malville 1989*1).
It is not known if the affected skeletal remains represent inhabitants
of these two hamlets or victims who were brought from other communities.
Sand Canyon Pueblo, another ritual, perhaps regional, center that was
contemporary with the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo, was
about 15 km to the southwest. The skeletal remains of its villagers indicate
that some of these individuals suffered violent deaths in an episode that
probably occurred in the A.D. 1280s (Bradley
1998*1, 2002*1; Kuckelman
et al. 2002*2); similar deaths appear to have occurred at Castle Rock
Pueblo (Kuckelman et al. 2002*2;
Lightfoot and Kuckelman 2001*1).
The potentially atypical mortuary circumstances of the individuals in
the Yellow Jacket Pueblo great tower complex and the evidence of skeletal
trauma observed on HRO 1 (an older adolescent) raise the possibility that
these individuals were affected by the same regional stressors that led
to violence in other ancestral Pueblo communities; however, the data from
Yellow Jacket Pueblo are not robust enough to conclude this with certainty.
In general, few firm conclusions can be drawn from these few and fragmentary
remains.
References cited | To borrow, cite, or request permission
|