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       Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5) as Community Center 
      by Kristin A. Kuckelman 
      1 
        Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5) is one of numerous ancient community 
        centers in the Mesa Verde region (Lipe 
        and Ortman 2000*1; Lipe and 
        Varien 1999*1:Table 9-2; Ortman 
        et al. 2000*1; Varien 1999*1:Tables 
        7.17.3). A substantial amount of recent research has been devoted 
        to documenting community histories in this region and to considering the 
        social, ritual, and political aspects of communities (Adler 
        1990*5, 1992*3, 1994*1, 
        1996*3; Lipe 
        1992*2, 2002*1; Lipe 
        and Ortman 2000*1; Mahoney et 
        al. 2000*1; Ortman and Bradley 
        2002*1; Ortman et al. 2000*1; 
        Varien 1999*1, 1999*2). 
        A thorough treatment of those issues is beyond the scope of this publication, 
        and the reader is referred to the works cited for more in-depth discussions 
        of communities. My goal in this chapter is to characterize the settlement 
        history of the Yellow Jacket community in particular. 
      2 
        A community is defined as a cluster of many households that share social 
        and natural resources and whose members interact, face-to-face, on a regular 
        basis (Adler 1994*1; Varien 
        1999*1:19; Varien et al. 2000*1:47). 
        Communities, referred to as the "fundamental element" of ancient Pueblo 
        settlement (Lekson 1991*1:42; 
        Varien 1999*1:22), are recognized 
        in the archaeological record as areas of denser population, usually with 
        public architecture, surrounded by more sparsely settled areas. 
      3 
        Like other large sites in the region, including Sand Canyon Pueblo (Adams 
        1984*2, 1985*1:2, 9, 1985*2; 
        Bradley 1989*1:153, 155), Yellow 
        Jacket Pueblo has been interpreted by some researchers to have been primarily 
        a "ceremonial center," rather than a residential village, because of the 
        high ratio of kivas to rooms (Ferguson 
        1996*1:105107; Lange et 
        al. 1986*1:15; Malville 1991*1:14; 
        Wilson 1990*1:4). An ever-increasing 
        body of evidence indicates, however, that the small, or standard-size, 
        ancient kivas in this region were largely domestic structures for individual 
        residence groups, or households (Cater 
        and Chenault 1988*1; Kuckelman 
        2000*5; Lekson 1988*1, 1989*1, 
        1999*1:34, Lipe 
        and Varien 1999*2:284; Rohn 
        1989*1:158; Varien and Lightfoot 
        1989*1); the rituals performed in these structures probably involved 
        only members of their respective residence groups. This finding has been 
        corroborated by testing, at both Sand Canyon and Yellow Jacket pueblos, 
        that documented substantial deposits of domestic trash, such as one would 
        expect in residential villages (Ortman 
        and Bradley 2002*1). 
      4 
        Additional evidence that these sites were not strictly ceremonial centers 
        for a surrounding, dispersed community comes from the Sand Canyon Archaeological 
        Project Site Testing Program (Varien 
        1999*2). The results of this project, in which numerous smaller sites 
        in the Sand Canyon community were tested, indicate that most of these 
        dispersed habitations predate Sand Canyon Pueblo. This leads to the inference 
        that Sand Canyon Pueblo, and probably Yellow Jacket Pueblo as well, were 
        vast residential villages that were formed largely by groups that had 
        moved to the villages from surrounding, dispersed settlements. 
      5 
        Evidence indicating that Yellow Jacket Pueblo was the center of a community 
        includes the presence of public architecture at the site: a probable great 
        kiva, a possible Chacoan great house, two possible Chacoan roads, four 
        possible plazas (see "Architecture"), 
        several water-control features (see "Subsistence"), 
        and a canyon-rim complex that includes a bi-wall structure and encloses 
        a spring. These structures and features were constructed over a span of 
        approximately 220 years. 
      The Late Pueblo II Community (A.D. 10501150)
      6 
        Our pottery data indicate that habitation of Yellow Jacket Pueblo began 
        sometime between A.D. 1060 and 1100, in the late Pueblo II period (see 
        "Chronology"). However, evidence from 
        excavations at the small, neighboring sites (Sites 5MT1, 5MT2, and 5MT3) 
        across the draw to the southwest indicates habitation in the vicinity 
        of Yellow Jacket before that time, during the Basketmaker III period and 
        again in the early Pueblo II period (Cater 
        1989*1; Karhu 2000*1; Yunker 
        2001*1). 
      7 
        During the late Pueblo II period in the Mesa Verde region as a whole, 
        communities consisted of large clusters of dispersed residential sites 
        (Varien 1999*1:146147). 
        The existence of a community at Yellow Jacket during this time is indicated 
        by the construction of a great kiva (Kendrick 
        and Judge 2000*1:116; Lipe and 
        Varien 1999*2:255) and what is believed to be a Chacoan great house 
        (Adler 1996*2:Figure 12.1; Durand 
        and Durand 2000*1:107; Lipe 
        and Varien 1999*2:258). Although the great house at Yellow Jacket 
        Pueblo has not been dated, most such structures in this region appear 
        to have been built between A.D. 1075 (Lipe 
        and Varien 1999*2:256) and 1135 (Lipe 
        and Varien 1999*1:299). Thus, a community already existed at Yellow 
        Jacket Pueblo when the great house was built sometime during that span. 
        In the early A.D. 1100s, great houses, along with great kivas, were the 
        predominant structures serving to integrate communities (Lipe 
        and Varien 1999*2:256; Varien 
        et al. 1996*1:101). According to Lipe 
        and Varien (1999*2:259) these great houses evidently were "large, 
        formal, highly visible houses that clearly differentiate(d) those who 
        lived there from the rest of the community." 
      8 
        According to Ortman's probabilistic pottery analysis, it is possible that 
        a few of the masonry roomblocks we tested at Yellow Jacket Pueblo, as 
        well as masonry or post-and-adobe structures that might have gone undetected 
        during our testing, were constructed between A.D. 1080 and 1100, and there 
        is a reasonable probability that at least some portions of five to seven 
        roomblocks had been constructed by A.D. 1140 (see "Chronology"). 
        On the basis of the available data, I estimate that between 70 and 112 
        people might have lived at this site by A.D. 1140 (see "Population 
        Estimates"). The three small sites across the drainage (Sites 5MT1, 
        5MT2, and 5MT3) were occupied during the late Pueblo II and the Pueblo 
        III periods (Cater 1989*1; Karhu 
        2000*1; Lange et al. 1986*1; 
        Mobley-Tanaka 1997*2; Yunker 
        2001*1). The area that the Yellow Jacket community as a whole would 
        have occupied has not been surveyed, but Mobley-Tanaka 
        (1997*2:3) estimates that there are at least 20 sites in the immediate 
        vicinity of Yellow Jacket Pueblo. 
      9 
        In summary, the foregoing suggests that, in the late eleventh or early 
        twelfth century, a Chacoan great house and a great kiva were constructed 
        within an existing dispersed community at Yellow Jacket. I am convinced 
        that the early formation of communities and community centers in the late 
        A.D. 1000s in this region was inextricably linked to the Chaco system, 
        although we are still far from understanding what this system was and 
        how it operated (see also "Architecture"). 
      The Pueblo III Community (A.D. 11501300)
      10 
        The status of the Yellow Jacket community during the oft-cited major drought 
        that lasted from A.D. 1140 to 1180 (see "Chronology") 
        is not clear. During our testing at Yellow Jacket Pueblo, we could find 
        no stratigraphic evidence of an occupational hiatus, and the results of 
        Ortman's probabilistic pottery-design analysis indicate a reasonable probability 
        that four architectural blocks were occupied during this time. Thus, it 
        is possible that the population of the community dwindled during the drought 
        but some inhabitants of the village, and possibly of the dispersed community, 
        were able to remain in the area. 
      11 
        After the drought ended, late in the twelfth century, Yellow Jacket Pueblo 
        underwent a major construction surge and soon became a large village. 
        By the early 1200s, it was probably the largest village in the region. 
        Public architecture constructed in the village during the A.D. 1200s included 
        four possible plazas (see "Architecture"), 
        a number of water-control features (see "Subsistence"), 
        and a canyon-rim complex (with a bi-wall structure) that enclosed a spring. 
        Varien et al. (1996*1:101102) 
        state that, although public architecture appears to have been quite variable 
        in form and use during this period, it is probable that Chaco-era great 
        houses and great kivas "continued to play an important role in the ritual 
        landscape of the post-Chacoan communities." Martin 
        (1936*1:208) believed that the presence of the great kiva at Lowry 
        was the reason the site was reoccupied several times. 
      12 
        By A.D. 1225, Yellow Jacket Pueblo might have housed between 850 and 1,360 
        residents, and the results of the probabilistic pottery analysis suggest 
        that this population level either was maintained or declined only slightly 
        until the regional migration late in the thirteenth century. This population 
        estimate is far greater than estimates for other communities in the region 
        (see Mahoney et al. 2000*1:Table 
        3). The increase in population during the Pueblo III period at Yellow 
        Jacket Pueblo is beyond what could be attributed to natural, biological 
        growth. Where did the additional people come from? It is likely that many 
        of the new buildings constructed in the late A.D. 1100s and early 1200s 
        were built by people returning to the pueblo after living elsewhere for 
        a time and/or by descendants of people who once inhabited the pueblo. 
        New members might have joined the community as affinal kin, friends, and 
        acquaintances of the former Yellow Jacket residents; most of these new 
        members probably came from communities founded elsewhere during the drought. 
        It is also possible that most or even all residents of dispersed habitations 
        within the community relocated to the village at that time. The latest 
        tree-ring dates (which are noncutting dates) from Sites 5MT1, 5MT2, and 
        5MT3 are A.D. 1194, 1191, and 1136, respectively (Robinson 
        and Cameron 1991*1), which could indicate that the residents of these 
        habitations relocated to Yellow Jacket Pueblo during the building surge 
        in the late 1100s and early 1200s. If the history of the Yellow Jacket 
        community was similar to that of the Sand Canyon community (Varien 
        1999*2) and of the Sand Canyon locality as a whole (Adler 
        1992*3:2223), most of the inhabitants in the surrounding dispersed 
        settlements would have relocated to Yellow Jacket Pueblo, the community 
        center, by the mid-1200s. During the early Pueblo III period, then, the 
        population of the community was probably sparse and dispersed. In the 
        late 1100s and early 1200s, Yellow Jacket Pueblo became the largest village 
        in the region, and it persisted until the regional depopulation of the 
        late 1200s. 
      Discussion
      13 
        Our work at Yellow Jacket Pueblo has contributed significantly to our 
        understanding of community centers in the Mesa Verde region. First, we 
        are able to establish that the history of Yellow Jacket generally follows 
        a model of community center succession proposed by several researchers 
        and substantiated by multiple lines of evidence (Adler 
        and Varien 1994*1; Lipe and 
        Ortman 2000*1; Ortman et al. 
        2000*1; Varien 1999*1; Varien 
        et al. 1996*1). This model describes late Pueblo II communities as 
        habitations dispersed on farmable uplands, often with some residential 
        clustering around a Chacoan great house or great kiva. Early Pueblo III 
        communities were characterized by villages of linear roomblocks. During 
        the late Pueblo III period, communities became increasingly aggregated 
        and shifted to canyon-rim locations. 
      14 
        Although the development of the Yellow Jacket community generally followed 
        this model, it diverged somewhat from the pattern in that its community 
        center grew rapidly during the late 1100s and early 1200s and probably 
        reached its maximum population by A.D. 1225. There was no relocation and 
        additional aggregation in the mid-1200s. It is possible that some differences 
        between the development of this community and the development of others 
        are related to the location and environment of the site. At Yellow Jacket, 
        good agricultural land, the residential land of choice in the late 1100s 
        and early 1200s, occurred near multiple, reliable canyon springs, so the 
        formation of a dispersed community during the late Pueblo II period in 
        this location is not surprising. 
      
      15 
        The building surge in the late A.D. 1100s and early 1200s was also not 
        unusual, and resettlement of much of the community population into the 
        big village by the mid-1200s follows the regional pattern as well. Because 
        the population of the community was already aggregated on a canyon rim, 
        literally on top of dependable water sources, the construction of the 
        great tower complex (Architectural Block 1200) in the mid-1200s might 
        have been all that was needed to accomplish what other communities could 
        achieve only by completely relocating to canyon rims. 
      16 
        Second, our work documents the process of growth of one community center. 
        Yellow Jacket Pueblo appears to have grown from the central part of the 
        site outward and to have been abandoned in roughly the reverse order. 
        This pattern could have important implications for systems of land tenure 
        and for the power, prestige, and influence of individuals or families 
        inhabiting the blocks that were among the first to be established and 
        last to be abandoned. Also, the occupation of specific roomblocks throughout 
        the stages of community development confirms the continuity of the population. 
      17 
        Third, the results of Crow Canyon's research demonstrate that the Yellow 
        Jacket community had aggregated into the largest ancient Pueblo village 
        of the region by the early 1200s, in contrast to other communities in 
        the region, which did not aggregate to this extent until the mid-1200s 
        (Ortman et al. 2000*1:141). 
        Although the reasons for this development are difficult to ascertain on 
        the basis of the available data, this difference could signal the beginning 
        of what was an important and regionwide chain of events. For it is possible 
        that, whatever the stimulus or stimuli were that caused this community 
        to aggregate, the formation of this large village was one catalyst that 
        induced other dispersed communities to aggregate into villages. 
      18 
        Fourth, our research shows that this community center endured for at least 
        100 years and so is clearly an example of a center that persisted for 
        multiple generations before the formation of very large, protohistoric 
        Pueblo villages in what is now New Mexico. And finally, comparisons of 
        trade goods from Yellow Jacket, Castle Rock, and Woods Canyon pueblos 
        (see The Castle 
        Rock Pueblo Database and The 
        Woods Canyon Pueblo Database) indicate divergences between community 
        centers in the level of access to nonlocal objects, possibly related to 
        village size, location, and time of occupation. This variation could have 
        significant implications for the relative importance of villages in the 
        political, social, ritual, and economic landscape of the region. 
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