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Architecture and Site Layout
by Melissa J. Churchill
1
Buildings serve the needs and reflect the ideas and beliefs of
the people who construct them (see Gilman
1987*1:538; Hegmon 1989*2:5;
Kenzle 1997*1:197). It follows,
then, that social organization should be reflected in the built environment,
specifically in the architectural layout of a site (Lipe
and Hegmon 1989*1:21). One of Crow Canyon's primary research objectives
at Woods Canyon Pueblo was to characterize the internal organization of
the village by examining its architectural layout. The discussion in this
chapter focuses on the four main topographic areas of the site (referred
to as "sections" to distinguish them from the seven numbered areas defined
in "Chronology"
on the basis of spatial associations between structures and nonstructures)
and on changes that occurred in the configuration of the pueblo through
time. I also describe the types of buildings at Woods Canyon Pueblo and
discuss their possible uses.
Site Layout
2
Woods Canyon Pueblo was an aggregated, canyon-oriented village
bisected by a drainage. The site has many of the characteristics that
define late canyon-head and canyon-rim villages—for example, an informally
bounded plaza, low walls that enclose part of the site, towers built on
boulders, a D-shaped structure, and buildings located on the talus slope
as well as on the canyon rim (Kelley
1996*1; Kenzle 1993*1,
1997*1; Lipe
and Varien 1999*1:319). There are remains of buildings on the canyon
rim, at the base of a 35- to 40-foot cliff that drops down from the rim,
on a steep talus slope, and near the canyon bottom (Database
Map 329 and Appendix A).
3
The basic architectural unit found across most of the site consists
of a kiva and its associated surface rooms; such units often are referred
to as "unit pueblos" (Prudden
1903*1), "Prudden units" (Lipe
and Varien 1999*1:291), or "kiva suites" (Bradley
1992*2). A single unit pueblo is inferred to have been the residence
of a household in the Pueblo II and III periods (Lipe
and Varien 1999*1:291), and a household most likely consisted of "an
extended family or other small co-residential group" (Lipe
1989*1:64). Household size is believed to have ranged from two to
12 individuals, with an average of five to eight (Lightfoot
1994*1:148).
4
The unit pueblos at Woods Canyon Pueblo are loosely scattered instead
of being arranged in tightly clustered architectural blocks, as is the
case at Sand Canyon Pueblo, a late Pueblo III village located about 10
km southeast of Woods Canyon Pueblo and investigated by Crow Canyon in
the 1980s and 1990s (Bradley 1992*2).
The configuration of Woods Canyon Pueblo may have been dictated largely
by the steep terrain. On the basis of surface remains and the results
of subsurface testing, we identified 50 kivas (10 definite, 24 probable,
16 possible). The number of surface rooms is difficult to estimate because
of the effects of erosion; however, the presence of between 120 and 220
surface rooms is inferred from the number of kivas and the amount of wall
rubble present (Lipe 1995*2:1).
Other architectural remains at the site include 16 towers (14 probable,
two possible); a D-shaped structure; several flat, open areas that might
have been plazas; numerous checkdams; and extramural walls that might
have served as terrace walls for gardens.
5
Architectural remains are clustered in four sections of the site
that are defined roughly by topographic boundaries (see Database
Map 334 and Table 4
in "Chronology" for
an explanation of how these four sections relate to the seven numbered
areas used by Churchill and Ortman in their evaluation of site chronology).
The four sections are referred to throughout this report as (1) the lower
west side (canyon bottom), (2) the upper west side, (3) the east side
(east talus slope), and (4) the canyon rim (see Database
Map 329).
Lower West Side (Canyon Bottom)
6
The lower west side is a relatively flat area at the base of the
talus slope, near the canyon bottom and west of the drainage that bisects
the site. In this publication, we often refer to this section as simply
the "canyon bottom." The canyon bottom contains the highest concentration
of kiva suites at the site, and the number of kiva depressions suggests
that approximately 14 to 18 residences are present. Several towers are
situated prominently on top of large boulders. Ashy midden deposits and
two flat, open areas are also present. We tested four kivas (Structures
1-S, 2-S, 3-S, and 9-S) and two midden areas (Nonstructures 4-N and 5-N)
in the canyon bottom. One of the open areas was also tested (Nonstructure
1-N). Low masonry walls in this area might have been built to create terraces
for small gardens (see "Water
Control and Subsistence"). The canyon bottom is believed to be the
section of the site that was occupied earliest (see "Chronology").
Upper West Side
7
There are also clusters of buildings along the base of the cliff
and on the steep talus slope west of the main drainage in a section of
the site referred to as the "upper west side." Between seven and 12 residential
units are present. Six of these residences were built on a relatively
level bench at the base of the cliff. Also at the base of the cliff is
a masonry room built under an overhang in the cliff face, as well as several
wall remnants. On the talus slope, several flat areas upslope from natural
drop-offs served as building sites for residences. Retaining walls were
used to create additional flat areas where kivas were constructed. Two
kivas (Structures 7-S and 8-S) and three midden areas (Nonstructures 3-N,
7-N, and 10-N) were tested in the upper west side. Occupation in this
section of the site began later than in the canyon bottom (see "Chronology").
East Side (East Talus Slope)
8
The east side of the site consists of a steep talus slope east
of the main drainage. Like their counterparts on the upper west side,
kiva suites on the east talus slope were constructed in flat or nearly
flat areas that had been manually leveled by adding dirt behind retaining
walls. Approximately 11 to 18 residential units are present here. Several
towers—including one that might have been square—were built
near the base of the slope, adjacent to, and east of, the main drainage.
We tested two kivas (Structures 4-S and 5-S) and two midden areas (Nonstructures
6-N and 11-N) in this section of the site. Like the upper west side, the
east talus slope was occupied later than the canyon bottom (see "Chronology").
Canyon Rim
9
Most of the buildings and features on the canyon rim are clustered in
an area called the "rim complex" (Database
Map 263; also see Figure
1, an artist's reconstruction of the rim complex). The complex is
located in the northeast portion of the site along a distinctive section
of canyon rim and is bounded on the north by a masonry enclosing wall.
This complex is the locus of public architecture at the site. In it we
documented a D-shaped structure; several towers; a kiva; a flat, open
area believed to have been a plaza; and several poorly defined masonry
surface structures. A kiva (Structure 6-S) and the open area (Nonstructure
2-N) were tested in this section.
10
One of the towers in the rim complex spans a crevice in the cliff,
which is believed to have provided access between the buildings of the
rim complex and the structures at the base of the cliff; in addition,
steps might have once connected the two (Database
Photo 7482). For this reason, the buildings at the base of the
cliff are considered part of the rim complex. These buildings are well
preserved because a natural overhang in the cliff protects them from the
elements—some walls stand two stories high, evidence of a degree
of preservation typically associated with cliff dwellings. The buildings
include single- and multiple-story rooms, a kiva, and what might be the
lowermost story or level of the crevice-spanning tower mentioned above.
No excavations were conducted in these buildings, but we did record the
standing walls.
11
The buildings in the rim complex were constructed later than the buildings
in the canyon bottom. The occupation of the rim complex was either contemporaneous
with or slightly postdated the occupation of the upper west side and the
east talus slope (see "Chronology").
If the latter is the case, the rim complex was the last part of the site
to be occupied. There are also several probable towers on the canyon rim
outside the rim complex near the west edge of the site. Finally, several
checkdams are visible outside the rim complex in the main drainage above
the canyon rim (Nonstructure 9-N).
Sequence of Construction
12
The architectural layout of the pueblo changed over time. The first
construction, consisting primarily of a loose cluster of residences (kiva
suites), took place in the canyon bottom in the mid–A.D. 1100s. In
the early to middle 1200s, construction began on the upper west side,
the east talus slope, and the canyon rim. Occupation in the canyon bottom
appears to have been on the decline during this time. With the exception
of the structures on the rim, almost all the buildings constructed in
the mid-1200s were residences.
13
The rim complex proper might have been built slightly later than
the buildings on the upper west side and east talus slope, and construction
in this area apparently continued into the late A.D. 1270s. The architectural
layout of the pueblo during the middle to late 1200s had changed from
that of earlier years, with residences present along the slopes and at
the base of the cliff, but not in the canyon bottom. Construction of the
rim complex was probably the last major building effort at the pueblo.
Architecture
14
Studies of architecture are important because architectural variation—that
is, different kinds of buildings, different styles of construction, and
differences in feature assemblages—has the potential to shed light
on a variety of issues of broad anthropological concern, including social
differentiation, rank, and status (Kuckelman
2000*2:par. 1). In this section, I discuss kivas, surface rooms, towers,
and public architecture: where and how they were constructed, the types
of features and artifacts they contain, and how they might have been used.
The greater part of this chapter is given to the discussion of kivas because
kivas were the only buildings that were actually excavated (tested) at
Woods Canyon Pueblo. Our knowledge of rooms, towers, and public architecture
at the site is based solely on surface indicators and spatial relationships.
Kivas
15
The estimated number of kivas at Woods Canyon Pueblo is 50, nine
of which were tested (Structures 1-S through 9-S). We also recorded observations
about one unexcavated but partly exposed kiva (Structure 13-S). The following
summary of previous research on kivas in the Mesa Verde region provides
a general context for the evaluation of the kivas documented at Woods
Canyon Pueblo.
Kivas in the Mesa Verde Region: Previous Research
16
Kivas in the Mesa Verde region are believed to have been used by
households or other small, coresidential groups. Two arguments support
this inference. First, if we assume that there is a regular relationship
between the size of a kiva and the size of the group that used it, we
can argue that Pueblo II and Pueblo III kivas, which are relatively small,
could have accommodated only small groups of people (Lipe
1989*1:54). Second, the ratio of rooms to kivas serves as a proxy
for the number of people that used a kiva suite: the higher the ratio,
the greater the number of people. The average ratio of six to nine rooms
per pit structure in the Pueblo I–Pueblo III periods (A.D. 850–1300)
is significantly lower than the ratio of 26.7 rooms per kiva in the Pueblo
IV period (A.D. 1300–1600) (Lipe
1989*1:Table 1). These ratios suggest that kiva suites were used by
much smaller groups before A.D. 1300 (Lipe
1989*1:56).
17
In recent years, archaeologists have reevaluated the long-held
assumption that prehistoric kivas were ceremonial chambers analogous to
historic and modern-day Pueblo kivas. Archaeological evidence indicates
that the kivas associated with Pueblo III unit pueblos were used primarily
for domestic activities and some small-scale ritual activities (Adler
1989*1; Cater and Chenault
1988*1; Lekson 1988*1;
Lightfoot 1992*1; Lipe
1989*1; Lipe and Varien 1999*1:291;
Varien 1999*1). There is,
however, evidence that some kivas may have had more specialized ritual
use (Bradley 1993*1; Wilshusen
1989*2) or perhaps served as "elite," or "elaborated," residences
(Lipe and Varien 1999*1:336;
Ortman 1998*2).
18
Using cross-cultural data from nonranked societies, Adler
(1989*1) distinguishes between low-level integrative facilities and
high-level integrative facilities. Low-level integrative facilities serve
small groups of people and are used in a variety of ways for both domestic
and ritual purposes. High-level integrative facilities, on the other hand,
serve larger groups of people and are specialized for ritual use. Adler
argues that kivas in the Mesa Verde region were not specialized for ritual
use. The average size of pre–A.D. 1300 kivas, and the estimated populations
they served, fall within the size and population ranges that correlate
with low-level facilities in his study.
19
Mealing bins, metates, hearths, domestic pottery, loom anchors,
and lithic debris have been found in kivas in the Mesa Verde region, suggesting
that domestic activities took place in them (Cater
and Chenault 1988*1). Lekson
(1988*1:213) argues that a small standard kiva is a domestic pit structure,
comparable to earlier pithouses, and that there is architectural continuity
between the pithouse and the kiva until A.D. 1300. He believes that not
until the Pueblo IV period, when the number of kivas declined dramatically,
did kivas change from domestic structures to community-level facilities
(Lekson 1988*1).
20
Bradley (1993*1) infers
that several kiva suites at Sand Canyon Pueblo were special nondomestic
facilities. This inference is based on the presence of one or more of
the following characteristics: lack of domestic features, limited storage
space, a high labor investment in construction, limited or restricted
access, and poor integration among structures or between structures and
the adjacent open space. Wilshusen
(1989*2) believes that the presence of certain features in pithouses
and kivas—namely, altars, prayer-stick impressions, and floor vaults
(roofed sipapus)—may signal more specialized ritual use in pit structures.
21
Features associated with specialized ritual activity have been
documented in a kiva (Structure 1501) inside the D-shaped structure at
Sand Canyon Pueblo. The kiva contained a floor vault, one of the most
conspicuous ritual features in Mesa Verde kivas (Bradley
and Churchill 1995*1; Ortman
1998*2:181; Wilshusen 1989*2).
After the vault was intentionally filled, two pits were dug into the fill
and lined with bottomless pottery mugs that may have been supports for
portable altars (Wilshusen 1989*2).
A mealing bin was also present in Structure 1501. The location of this
kiva inside a public building and the combination of elaborate ritual
features and domestic features suggest that this structure may have been
an elaborated residence (Lipe
and Varien 1999*1:336; Ortman
1998*2:181). The D-shaped structure contains many rooms, some of which
are inferred to have been used for storage. Perhaps these facilities were
used to store surplus goods, with the people living in the kivas inside
these facilities controlling the goods (Lipe
and Varien 1999*1:335–336).
22
Architectural Block 300 at Sand Canyon Pueblo also might have been
a storage facility, considering that an estimated 30 rooms and only one
kiva are present. The kiva in this room-dominated block may have been
an elaborated residence. If people lived in the D-shaped structure and
Block 300, and if they were able to control surplus supplies, they may
have had higher rank or status than other residents of the pueblo. In
a related study, Huber (1993*1)
argues that a kiva suite in Block 100 at Sand Canyon Pueblo possesses
the characteristics of a household of an influential leader. Namely, it
is larger than average, it exhibits greater formality and reflects a greater
investment of labor in terms of its construction, and it contained large
pottery serving vessels.
Kivas at Woods Canyon Pueblo
23
All of the documented kivas at Woods Canyon Pueblo are associated
with contiguous, aboveground rooms that form "roomblocks"—that is,
they are part of the residential architecture at the site. Table
1 compares the location, architectural characteristics, floor features,
and floor artifacts of the nine tested kivas and the one kiva whose wall
was partly exposed on the modern ground surface (Structure 13-S). Unfortunately,
the sizes of the kivas could not be compared, because the area of each
kiva exposed during testing was too small to allow us to estimate total
size. Furthermore, we could compute the ratio of rooms to kivas for only
one kiva suite. Counting the number of rooms associated with the remainder
of the tested kivas was not possible, because room outlines could not
be distinguished in the roomblock rubble. On the basis of the available
data, it appears that the majority of the tested kivas (Structures 1-S,
2-S, 3-S, 4-S, 5-S, 7-S, 8-S, and 9-S) were used for residential purposes
and household-level rituals. Limited evidence hints at the possibility
that two of the documented kivas (Structures 6-S and 13-S) might have
functioned differently and may have been used as elaborated residences
or for specialized rituals.
Kiva Location
24
The majority of kivas at Woods Canyon Pueblo are located in clusters
of residential structures. However, two kivas (Structures 6-S and 13-S)
are located in, or are connected to, the rim complex, the only known public
area at the site. Structure 6-S is located in the canyon rim portion of
the rim complex, and Structure 13-S is located at the base of the cliff,
in the lower portion of the rim complex. Their distinctive locations in
the most public part of the village may indicate that they were used differently
than other kivas at the site.
25
Structure 6-S is associated with a large tower (Structure 28-S)
and several possible rooms, including Structure 29-S. Secondary refuse
(Nonstructure 2.4-N) identified adjacent to this architectural unit might
have been discarded during activities that took place there. The layout
of these buildings differs slightly from the layout of a typical kiva
suite: the tower is immediately north of the kiva, and the possible rooms
are northwest of the kiva and west of the tower. However, the configuration
of these buildings may have been partly dictated by the presence of a
large boulder west of the kiva.
26
The kiva at the base of the cliff (Structure 13-S) is spatially
associated with approximately 13 rooms and a possible tower. Structure
13-S and its associated rooms and tower constitute a kiva suite. The ratio
of rooms to kivas is slightly higher than the typical room-to-kiva ratio
in the Mesa Verde region, which is approximately 10 or 12 to one (Bradley
1992*2). Nonetheless, this kiva suite does not qualify as a room-dominated
block—that is, a block with more than 20 rooms per kiva—as defined
by Bradley (1992*2:81). Access
to this kiva suite is limited. It was built on a ledge at the base of
a cliff that is surrounded by a steep and treacherous slope. No excavations
were conducted in this building, but we did record standing walls and
visible features.
Kiva Architecture
27
Little architectural variation was observed in the 10 documented
kivas at Woods Canyon Pueblo (Table
1), although it is important to note that relatively little architecture
was revealed during Crow Canyon's investigations. Nonetheless, in Structure
13-S, a short segment of wall visible on the modern ground surface provided
evidence that this kiva was constructed differently than the two other
Woods Canyon kivas whose upper lining walls were exposed. The masonry
upper lining wall of Structure 13-S rests on top of pilasters and beams
that span pilaster to pilaster. This method of construction produced large
roofed niches or shelves below the wall and between the pilasters. The
upper lining wall appears to have supported the roof. This kiva is similar
to Kiva E at Mug House at Mesa Verde National Park (Rohn
1971*1:78–79), but is unlike most other documented kivas in the
Mesa Verde region.
28
The other two kivas whose upper lining walls were exposed at Woods
Canyon Pueblo (Structures 1-S and 9-S) have earthen, rather than masonry,
walls (though their bench faces are masonry). The differences in the construction
of upper lining walls observed at Woods Canyon probably relate to chronology:
earthen walls are believed to have been an earlier construction style
(Brew 1946*1; Lipe
and Varien 1999*2:262; Smith
1998*1; Varien 1999*2),
and the two kivas at Woods Canyon with this type of upper wall are located
in the canyon bottom, which was the earliest-occupied part of the site.
Structure 13-S, on the other hand, has a masonry upper lining wall and
is located at the base of the cliff in the rim complex, an area of the
site that was constructed and occupied later.
29
Of the masonry architecture exposed during excavation, the amount
of surface treatment of stone was almost identical except for the bench
face in Structure 1-S, which exhibited less pecking. The size and shape
of stones used for benches and pilasters was uniform from kiva to kiva.
Therefore, it does not appear that the construction of any one kiva at
Woods Canyon required the expenditure of more effort than was afforded
the others, at least in the sample of 10 structures considered here.
Kiva Floor Features and Floor Artifacts
30
A comparison of Woods Canyon kivas does not reveal distinct differences
in their assemblages of floor features and floor artifacts. The most common
floor features in the kivas that were tested were small pits of unknown
function. Hearths were found in four kivas (Structures 2-S, 3-S, 6-S,
and 8-S), and indirect evidence of hearths (fire-reddening or ash accumulations
on the floor) was found in two more (Structures 5-S and 7-S). Hearths
were used for heating, lighting, and cooking, and are standard features
of kivas.
31
Evidence of ritual activity includes the presence of a sipapu with
possible prayer-stick impressions (paho marks) in Structure 2-S. There
are also possible sipapus in two other kivas, Structures 3-S and 7-S.
These features are classified as simple or complex sipapus, neither of
which is as elaborate as a roofed sipapu or roofed floor vault. The presence
of simple or complex sipapus is believed to indicate structure use by
a lineage, clan, or kiva group, rather than use by a community (Wilshusen
1989*2). Hence, the presence of these sipapus argues for small-scale
ritual use of the Woods Canyon kivas in which they were found.
32
Limited amounts of de facto refuse were left on the floors of six
of the nine tested kivas (Structures 1-S, 3-S, 4-S, 5-S, 6-S, and 7-S).
These assemblages were dominated by items—such as grinding implements,
pottery vessels, bone tools, and chipped-stone tools—used for everyday
domestic activities. The presence of these items suggests that domestic
activities took place inside these six kivas during their final days of
use. Because the same types of artifacts are found in the associated trash
deposits, I infer that domestic activities routinely occurred in and around
these kivas. The final use of one kiva (Structure 5-S) was as a burial
chamber in which at least 10 individuals were interred (see "Human
Skeletal Remains").
33
In conclusion, I infer that most of the tested kivas at Woods Canyon
Pueblo were used for domestic activities and household-level rituals.
The locations of Structures 6-S and 13-S in a public area, and perhaps
the unusual construction of Structure 13-S, suggest special use. These
kivas might have been residences within public areas, or they might have
been used for ritual activities. Their association with surface rooms,
their small size, and the presence of domestic features and domestic floor
artifacts suggest that residential activities occurred in them, and it
is likely that they served as elaborated residences rather than as ritual
facilities.
Surface Rooms
34
We recorded rooms with walls visible above modern ground surface
in the lower portion of the rim complex (Table
2). There are 13 rooms in this area, and they are spatially associated
with one kiva (Structure 13-S). The room-to-kiva ratio is at the upper
limit of the average range but does not fall within the range required
for interpretation as a room-dominated block as defined by Bradley
(1992*2).
35
It has been hypothesized that two architectural complexes containing
many rooms and few kivas at Sand Canyon Pueblo (Block 300 and the D-shaped
structure) were centralized storage facilities controlled by the residents
living in the kivas (Lipe and
Varien 1999*1:335–336). At Woods Canyon Pueblo, we evaluated
the rooms associated with Structure 13-S for size, presence or absence
of sooting, and presence or absence of doorways in an effort to determine
whether the rooms in this kiva suite might have been storage facilities
(Table 2). We assumed
that storage rooms would be smaller than living rooms. Sooting on walls
or ceilings suggests that a hearth was present; the presence of a hearth,
which would have been used for cooking, heating, and lighting, is probably
an indicator of living space. Finally, the presence of doorways suggests
regular traffic in and out of a room—a condition that is more likely
to exist in living rooms than in storage rooms.
36
The size of the rooms in the lower portion of the rim complex at
Woods Canyon Pueblo ranges from 3.24 to 8.17 m2, with the average
room size being 4.76 m2. This average is larger than the average
size of completely excavated rooms at Sand Canyon Pueblo, which is 4.25
m2 (Bradley 1992*2:81).
If we omit from calculations the largest room recorded in the lower rim
complex at Woods Canyon—a long, narrow alcove room—then the
average area is 4.45 m2, which is still slightly larger than
the average size of rooms at Sand Canyon Pueblo. Thus, it can be concluded
that size alone does not support the hypothesis that these are storage
rooms.
37
The presence of sooting on the ceiling/overhang of one room (Structures
19-S), on a wall in another room (Structure 25-S), and on the ceiling
and one wall of a third room (Structure 22-S) suggests that these three
rooms contained hearths and therefore were used as living spaces. However,
one of the rooms with a hearth, Structure 25-S, is very small and has
a low ceiling, both characteristics typically associated with storage
rooms rather than with living quarters. This makes me less certain of
the use of Structure 25-S. The absence of sooting in the exposed portions
of the nine remaining rooms suggests that they were more likely used for
storage than for living space.
38
Four doorways were preserved in the rooms in the lower rim complex.
In one case, the doorway provided passage between two ground-story rooms
(Structures 23-S and 25-S). Doorways are also present in an alcove room
(Structure 22-S) and in a second-story room (Structure 21-S). In both
cases, the doorways provided access between rooms and a probable courtyard
on top of the kiva roof (Structure 13-S). The fourth doorway is located
in a ground-story room (Structure 11-S), and it provided access either
to the outside or to another room that has since fallen off the cliff
edge.
39
Following Bradley's (1993*1)
approach to spatial analysis within kiva suites at Sand Canyon Pueblo,
I suspect that access via the doorways at Woods Canyon Pueblo was neither
completely unrestricted nor completely restricted. A more precise assessment
is impossible because, inevitably, some doorways and roof hatchways were
destroyed when the roofs and parts of the walls collapsed. The presence
of a doorway does not preclude use as a storage facility, especially if
the room was built in a small alcove where entry from above would have
been impossible. The doorway data for Woods Canyon Pueblo are difficult
to interpret. There does appear to be a correlation between sooting and
doorways, with two of the three rooms in which sooting was observed also
having doorways (Structures 22-S and 25-S).
40
In summary, there are at least two (Structures 19-S and 22-S),
and possibly three (Structure 25-S), living rooms in the lower portion
of the rim complex. The presence of sooting, more than any other characteristic,
was used to make this inference. The number of storage rooms is more difficult
to estimate. Structure 12-S clearly is a storage room because it is quite
small and is located on a ledge above the other rooms. Access to this
room was restricted because of its location. Structure 26-S is also inferred
to be a storage room because of its small size and the absence of sooting.
The probable use of the remaining eight rooms is unknown. The data—in
particular the lack of sooting—suggest, but do not prove, that most
of the rooms were used for storage and that therefore this kiva suite
could have been a centralized storage area. The presence of living rooms
indicates that people also inhabited this part of the village and might
have controlled supplies in the storage rooms.
Towers
41
Because actual tower walls are not visible on the modern ground surface
at Woods Canyon Pueblo and no towers were excavated, our discussion of
this type of architecture is limited to other evidence observed on the
ground surface. Four towers, all defined by mounds of rubble, are thought
to be contained within the upper portion of the rim complex, that is,
the area bounded by the enclosing wall. There is also evidence of additional
towers on the canyon rim west of the rim complex, near the base of the
east talus slope, and in the canyon bottom. Kivas and rubble mounds associated
with roomblocks are present close to the towers. It is not clear whether
these towers were associated with residences or functioned as public architecture.
Many of the towers were built on large boulders. Boulders are a common
location for towers at Hovenweep National Monument (Thompson
1993*1) and in other parts of the Mesa Verde region (Kelley
1996*1). Kelley (1996*1:109)
states that boulder towers are associated with late Pueblo III villages.
If the boulder towers at Woods Canyon Pueblo were built in the A.D. 1200s,
then they might have been the last buildings constructed in the canyon
bottom, in which case they were contemporaneous with the rim complex instead
of with the residences in the canyon bottom. Alternatively, the towers
may have been contemporaneous with the residences in the canyon bottom,
which would mean they were present earlier in the site's history.
Public Architecture
42
"Public architecture" is defined as structures and features constructed
and used by more than one household (Churchill
et al. 1998*1). Archaeologists often use size and form to classify
a building or other space as a public facility. The vagueness of the term—which
sometimes is used as a catch-all category for any building or space that
does not "look" residential—and the fact that there have been only
limited excavations of public architecture in the Mesa Verde region limit
our understanding of these facilities. Like other researchers (e.g., Adler
and Wilshusen 1990*1), I believe that the activities that occurred
within public facilities helped to integrate people at some level. It
is not clear, however, whether all inhabitants had access to all public
buildings and spaces (Lipe and
Ortman 2000*1:95).
43
The public architecture at Woods Canyon Pueblo is clustered in
the rim complex and includes a D-shaped structure, four towers, and a
probable plaza (Database
Map 263). This space is delineated by an enclosing wall. The clustering
of public structures and the presence of enclosing walls are characteristic
of other canyon-rim villages that date from the late Pueblo III period
(Lipe and Ortman 2000*1:107–108).
44
The wall that encloses the rim complex is made of large, tabular
or blocky pieces of unshaped sandstone. The wall is uncoursed to semicoursed
and two stones ("double-stone") wide. Its existing height is 84 cm. Using
the rubble height recorded by Kenzle
(1993*1:97), I calculate that this wall probably originally stood
about 1.5 m tall. In her study of enclosing walls in the Mesa Verde region,
Kenzle (1997*1:207) postulates
that such walls "functioned as sociophysical boundaries erected for the
purposes of spatial demarcation and social regulation." She further argues
that most walls were not formidable obstacles to opponents, but would
have provided cover for defenders (Kenzle
1993*1:96). The wall at Woods Canyon Pueblo encloses only part of
the village; however, the space and buildings that it encloses constitute
the most prominent and distinctive architecture at the site. For this
reason, I believe that the wall probably served as an important sociophysical
boundary. It is unclear whether it was built for defensive purposes as
well. If it was, perhaps the rim complex was seen as a part of the village
that warranted some protection.
45
Most of the area inside the enclosing wall is flat, open space.
It is likely that this area was used as a plaza for public gatherings
such as dances, feasts, and ceremonies. We were unable to identify a plaza
surface; if one existed originally, it is likely that it has since eroded
away. If this space was used as a plaza, I speculate that the activities
that took place there were probably more inclusive than exclusive in nature
because they occurred in an open, highly visible area. If this was so,
the plaza probably served as an integrative facility for the inhabitants
of the pueblo. The plaza is smaller than the plaza at Sand Canyon Pueblo
(Bradley 1992*2) but larger
than the plaza at Castle Rock (Kuckelman
2000*1). It may not have been large enough to accommodate all the
inhabitants of the pueblo; on the other hand, the village population may
have been smaller when the plaza was in use in the late A.D. 1200s than
it was earlier in the occupation of the site.
46
The building known as the D-shaped structure (Structure 17-S) is
located in the rim complex. The curved wall of this building is visible,
but what is assumed to have been the straight south wall is missing and
probably fell over the edge of the cliff (thus, the description of this
structure as D-shaped is largely inferential). D-shaped structures were
built during the late Pueblo III period in the Mesa Verde region (Churchill
et al. 1998*1). The D-shaped structure at Woods Canyon is smaller
than some other similar structures documented in the Mesa Verde region,
including Sun Temple at Mesa Verde National Park (Fewkes
1916*1) and the D-shaped structure at Sand Canyon Pueblo (Bradley
and Churchill 1994*1, 1995*1).
It is comparable in size to the D-shaped structure at Cannonball Ruins
(Lipe 1996*1) and to the
bi-wall structure at Horseshoe Ruin at Hovenweep National Monument (Winter
1975*1).
47
The internal space of the D-shaped structure at Woods Canyon Pueblo
is divided by an east-west wall. The area south of this dividing wall
is further subdivided into at least two spaces, including one known room
(Structure 16-S). This room was added after the dividing wall was constructed,
and it is of particular interest because it has characteristics that are
atypical of masonry rooms. For example, the interior faces of the stones
in the walls are pecked, and three wall niches are present. Two doorways,
one of which is T-shaped, provided access to the room. At some point,
the north doorway was plugged and a niche was created. This is similar
to the remodeling of an exterior doorway in the D-shaped structure at
Sand Canyon Pueblo (Bradley and
Churchill 1994*1:3–6). The location of Structure 16-S inside
a D-shaped structure, the presence of niches, and the surface treatment
of the interior wall faces all suggest that this room might have been
used for some special purpose.
48
Four towers were identified in the rim complex, two of which are of particular
interest. The largest tower (Structure 29-S) is spatially associated with
other buildings, including a kiva (Structure 6-S) and several possible
surface rooms (see paragraph 25). Structure 18-S,
the other noteworthy tower, is adjacent to the D-shaped structure. It
spans a crevice in the cliff face, and the walls probably extended down
into the crevice. It most likely provided access between the rim area
and the structures at the base of the cliff. A segment of a curved wall
found at the base of the cliff (Structure 14-S) might be the remains of
the bottom story of this tower. Similar circular structures built around
the tops of cracks in cliff faces have been recorded at other aggregated
sites (Varien et al. 1996*1:90)
and are referred to by Thompson
et al. (1997*1:154) as "architecture with unknown function."
49
Nonarchitectural data also provide some insight into the possible
uses of the rim complex. Although intrasite analyses did not reveal significant
differences among the four main sections of the site in terms of their
faunal assemblages, there are some differences in the archaeobotanical
and artifact assemblages that suggest that the rim complex might have
been used differently than other sections of the site.
50
In "Archaeobotanical
Remains," Rainey and Jezik note that, although the two most common
food plants at the site (corn and cheno-ams) were found in the rim complex,
few other food plant remains were recovered and none were found in the
hearth of Structure 6-S, the tested kiva. On the other hand, they document
a greater variety of fuelwood in samples from this part of the site than
might be expected by chance. Although sample size and differential preservation
cannot be entirely dismissed as potential contributing factors, one possible
explanation of the observed pattern is that the rim complex was used for
public functions involving (1) the communal consumption of food prepared
elsewhere at the village and (2) the burning of a wider variety of woods
than in other sections of the site. Interestingly, despite the suggestion
that foods were not routinely cooked in the rim complex (or at least not
in the tested kiva), the relative abundance of ground-stone tools and
peckingstones in this part of the site may indicate that corn was processed
into meal there, perhaps for ceremonial feasting (see "Artifacts").
In any case, the archaeobotanical data suggest that the rim complex might
have been used differently than the other three sections of the site,
which lends support to, but does not prove, the hypothesis that the rim
complex was a special-use public area.
51
In "Artifacts,"
Ortman compares pottery sherd and rim-arc data for the early Pueblo III
(canyon bottom) and late Pueblo III (rim complex, upper west side, and
east talus slope) components at Woods Canyon Pueblo to see whether there
were differences in the types and/or sizes of vessels used through time.
He found that there is a higher percentage of corrugated gray jar sherds
in assemblages associated with the late Pueblo III component, which might
reflect an increased use of corrugated jars for cooking. Furthermore,
the corrugated jar rim sherds from contexts dating from this time were
larger than those dating from other times, suggesting that more large
jars were used during the late Pueblo III occupation. Ortman concludes
that both patterns suggest that food preparation on a larger scale intensified
during the late Pueblo III occupation, which might reflect an increase
in communal feasting activities.
52
A related study by Ortman (see "Artifacts")
of white ware bowls from Woods Canyon Pueblo found that the exterior surfaces
of large serving bowls were decorated more often than were the exteriors
of small bowls. Furthermore, the exterior surfaces of bowls dating from
the late Pueblo III occupation were more likely to be decorated than were
the exterior surfaces of bowls dating from the early Pueblo III occupation.
These data are consistent with findings at other late Pueblo III sites
in the central Mesa Verde region. Ortman argues that decorating the exteriors
of large bowls may correlate with increased communal feasting in public
spaces.
53
It is interesting that there does not appear to have been any public
architecture at Woods Canyon Pueblo until the rim complex was built. The
rim complex was constructed during the late Pueblo III occupation of the
site. Some structures in the lower portion of the rim complex were built
as late as the A.D. 1270s. Although the types of white ware pottery found
do not preclude construction in the rim complex as early as A.D. 1225,
white ware attribute data and tree-ring dates suggest that construction
probably did not start until slightly later, sometime in the A.D. 1250s
(see "Chronology").
If occupation of the rim complex began in the 1250s and ended in the 1270s,
then this part of the site was occupied for no more than 30 years.
54
This raises the question of whether there were enough people living
at the pueblo during the A.D. 1250–1280 period to warrant the construction
of a public facility. There are not sufficient data for us to determine
whether the occupation on the upper west side and east talus slope was
contemporaneous with, or slightly earlier than, the occupation of the
rim complex. Basically, if there were only a few people living at the
pueblo between A.D. 1250 and 1280, there was no need for a public facility.
It is possible that the rim complex was less of a public facility then
we have assumed; perhaps it was simply the final residential area at the
site and was occupied by two households living in the upper and lower
kiva suites.
55
I would argue, however, that the construction of an enclosing wall,
a plaza, several towers, and a D-shaped building would have been very
labor intensive and would have been unnecessary if people were using the
rim complex simply as a final residential area. Perhaps the nonresidential
architecture was constructed earlier in the village's history, with the
remaining households moving into the rim complex later, in the late A.D.
1200s. If so, it suggests that the public elements of the rim complex
were built at a time when the population of the village was large enough
to support a public facility.
56
We know for certain that the rim complex was not in use during
the early Pueblo III occupation of the site because it had not yet been
built. We also know that the occupation of the rim complex was short and
occurred late in the history of the site. What we do not know is the number
of people living at the pueblo when the rim complex was in use. I argue
that people were residing in the upper west side and east talus slope
areas in the A.D. 1250–1280 period and probably were using the rim
complex. Our limited testing did not provide sufficient data for us to
evaluate in detail how the rim complex was used. However, there is architectural
evidence of both nonresidential and residential buildings in the rim complex.
I conclude that the rim complex was not exclusively a public facility,
nor was it solely a small residential area. The current evidence suggests
that it was used for both public and private purposes. It seems plausible
that the people living in the two rim-complex households oversaw or controlled
the public facility in some way. Further testing at the rim complex and
at similar canyon-rim complexes at other villages in the Mesa Verde region
is needed to address the important questions posed by Lipe on the Woods
Canyon Pueblo National Register form:
Do these represent the residential compounds of the community
leadership, as well as places for community assembly and ceremony? . . . Or are the late 13th century complexes of towers and other
features truly community property, i.e., non-residential structures that
were erected cooperatively to impress outsiders, to provide facilities
for community ceremonies, and perhaps to serve as defensive retreats?
[Lipe 1995*2:13–14]
Summary
57
The configuration of Woods Canyon Pueblo changed throughout its
history. The earliest construction was centered in the canyon bottom and
consisted of a dense concentration of residences (kiva suites). Later,
residences were constructed on the east and west talus slopes, the base
of the cliff, and the canyon rim, which shifted the core area of occupation
away from the canyon bottom.
58
The architecture below the canyon rim is dominated by household
residences, but the architecture on the canyon rim is primarily "public."
The rim complex was constructed during the late Pueblo III occupation
of the village, probably starting in the A.D. 1250s. Two kiva suites in
the rim complex may have had special use, either as elaborated residences
or as places for specialized rituals. If these two kiva suites represent
elaborated residences, the inhabitants may have had special rank or status.
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