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Artifacts (continued)
Chipped-Stone Tools and Manufacturing Debris
Definitions of Raw Material Categories
91
Although knowledge of lithic-procurement sites and the availability
of raw material in southwestern Colorado is limited, the raw materials
out of which Woods Canyon Pueblo chipped-stone tools were made can be
grouped into local, semilocal, and nonlocal stone types. Each group is
discussed briefly in this section.
Local Raw Materials
92
Local lithic raw materials are of average to poor quality; they
occur within the geological strata exposed in Sandstone, Woods, and Yellow
Jacket canyons; and they likely were available within easy walking distance
of Woods Canyon Pueblo. The closest known source of Dakota quartzite is
in a short tributary of Woods Canyon, approximately 2 km downstream from
the site. There is an ancient quarry in this area with numerous large
flakes and "tested" cores of Dakota quartzite on the modern ground surface.
Fine-grained and conglomerate sandstones are also available from the Burro
Canyon Formation and the Dakota Sandstone at this location and elsewhere.
Morrison quartzite and chert/siltstone, both from the Brushy Basin Member
of the Morrison Formation, are also widely available in the local canyons
near Woods Canyon Pueblo. Finally, although specific sources have not
been identified, slates and shales are available in the Mancos Formation
and the Dakota Sandstone, both of which outcrop in Woods Canyon and throughout
the uplands of southwestern Colorado.
Semilocal Raw Materials
93
Semilocal lithic raw materials are of relatively good quality and
probably occur less widely in their geological strata of origin than do
local raw materials. As a result, such materials were potentially local
but probably more difficult to obtain, possibly requiring special collecting
trips. Agate/chalcedony and petrified wood occasionally occur within the
Burro Canyon Formation and the Dakota Sandstone, as well as in other formations
that outcrop farther away. Jet occasionally occurs within shale and coal-bearing
deposits in the Dakota Sandstone and the Mancos and Menefee formations.
The closest known sources of Burro Canyon chert to Woods Canyon Pueblo
occur in the Dolores River valley and on Cannonball Mesa, both approximately
20 to 25 km away. Known sources of Brushy Basin chert occur around the
San Juan River near the Four Corners monument, approximately 50 km from
Woods Canyon (Green 1985*1:71–72).
Nonlocal Raw Materials
94
These lithic materials are high quality and definitely do not occur
within easy walking distance of Woods Canyon Pueblo; thus they must have
been acquired through special collecting trips or trade. Red jasper comes
from Triassic and Permian formations of the Monument Upwarp and Elk Ridge
Uplift in southeastern Utah, west of Cottonwood Wash. Obsidian is likely
to have come from either the Jemez Mountains of New Mexico or the San
Francisco Peaks in Arizona, where sources of widely exchanged obsidian
are known (Shackley 1988*1,
1995*1). No Washington (Narbona)
Pass chert was identified in the Woods Canyon Pueblo chipped-stone artifact
assemblage.
Artifact Type vs. Raw Material
By Count
95
Table 28 summarizes
the number of chipped-stone artifacts made from various raw materials
in the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo (for
definitions of the artifact types used, see the Crow Canyon laboratory
manual). Chipped-stone artifacts are grouped into the following
categories: cores and core tools (cores, modified cores, and peckingstones);
flake tools (modified flakes); and formal tools (bifaces, drills, and
projectile points). Hammerstones, which are believed to have been used
to make chipped-stone tools, and polishing/hammerstones, whose use(s)
are unknown, are also included in this table. The full suite of raw material
categories was considered for projectile points, bifaces, and drills;
but because Brushy Basin chert, Burro Canyon chert, and red jasper were
recorded only in "comments" for other chipped-stone artifact categories,
their presence may be underrepresented in those categories. If these materials
were not identified consistently, then red jasper probably would have
been classified as nonlocal chert/siltstone, Brushy Basin chert as Morrison
chert/siltstone or unknown chert/siltstone, and Burro Canyon chert as
unknown chert/siltstone.
96
The only noticeable change in raw material use over the occupation
of the pueblo is an apparent increase in the use of finer-grained Morrison
Formation materials (Morrison chert/siltstone), relative to larger-grained
Morrison Formation materials (Morrison quartzite) for informal chipped-stone
tools (cores, core tools, and flake tools) in the late Pueblo III component.
This pattern is mirrored in the chipped-stone-debris data (Table
33).
By Percentage
97
Table 29 summarizes
the percentages of objects in each chipped-stone artifact category that
were made of various raw materials. In this table, data from both temporal
components are considered as one. The absence of nonlocal raw materials
among cores and in the sample of chipped-stone debris (see paragraph
104) suggests that nonlocal raw materials came to Woods Canyon Pueblo
primarily in the form of finished formal tools. Nonlocal materials do
not appear to have been procured directly or reduced at the site. Semilocal
materials also occur primarily in the form of formal tools, but the presence
of a few pieces of chipped-stone debris and one projectile point preform
made of semilocal stone suggests that these materials were occasionally
worked at the site. Whether semilocal materials were obtained through
trade or special collection trips is unknown.
98
Among local raw materials, the readily available materials from
the Morrison Formation dominate the expedient-tool assemblage, suggesting
that peckingstones and modified flakes were made from whatever material
was at hand or easily obtainable. Dakota quartzite also occurs among core
and flake tools, and it dominates the formal tool assemblage, suggesting
that this material was procured directly and worked at the site. However,
many materials that were more difficult to obtain—for example, agate/chalcedony,
Burro Canyon chert, red jasper, and obsidian—are also common among
formal tools. This suggests that projectile points, bifaces, and drills
were made from high-quality raw materials, either at Woods Canyon or elsewhere,
regardless of the availability of those materials in the local environment.
Mass Analysis of Chipped-Stone Debris
99
A sample of chipped-stone flakes and angular debris from secondary
refuse deposits assigned to each temporal component was analyzed using
mass analysis techniques developed by Ahler
(1989*1; see also Patterson
1990*1; Shott 1994*1). Each
piece was examined for the presence of cortex and then was sorted by size
using a set of nested screens (1-in, ½-in, and ¼-in mesh). Items in the
resultant groups were counted and weighed (for details on these procedures,
see the laboratory
manual). The data presented in the following paragraphs suggest possible
changes in the nature of chipped-stone reduction over the course of the
Pueblo III period at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Raw Material vs. Cortex
By Count and Weight
100
Table 30 presents
counts and weights of chipped-stone debris of various raw materials, distinguishing
between pieces with and without cortex. The percentage of pieces of each
raw material with cortex and the percentage of pieces of each raw material
in the entire sample of chipped-stone debris are also presented. The table
shows that, in general, fine-grained materials (cherts and siltstones)
are more abundant by count, and coarse-grained materials (quartzites)
are more abundant by weight. In the same way that sherd size affects the
relative proportion of sherds assigned to various typological categories
by count and weight, differences in the relative abundance of raw materials
by count and weight in chipped-stone debris probably relate to differences
in the average size of flakes of various raw materials. A greater percentage
by count probably indicates that flakes of that material are smaller than
average; a greater percentage by weight probably indicates that flakes
of that material are larger than average; and a relatively equal percentage
by count and weight probably indicates that flakes of a given material
are average-sized, relative to flakes of all materials in the assemblage.
101
However, unlike pottery sherds, almost every piece of chipped-stone
debris could be assigned to a specific raw-material category. Thus, differences
in the abundance of raw materials by count and weight reflect differences
in the flake-size distributions of these materials and do not reflect
analytical biases. On the basis of this principle, it appears that chert
flakes tend to be smaller than quartzite flakes in the Woods Canyon Pueblo
assemblage. Flake-size distributions for common local raw materials (Figure
11) support this interpretation, in that there are fewer large flakes
and more small flakes of Morrison chert/siltstone than of Morrison and
Dakota quartzite in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage.
102
Table 30 also shows
that, overall, cortex is present on approximately one in five pieces of
chipped-stone debris by count, and one-third of chipped-stone debris by
weight. The greater percentage of cortex by weight as opposed to count
indicates that pieces of chipped-stone debris with cortex are generally
larger than pieces that do not have cortex. This is an expected result,
because cortex tends to be removed during the initial stages of raw-material
reduction, and flake size generally decreases during later stages of reduction.
The difference between the percentages of pieces with cortex by count
vs. weight is also much greater for Morrison Formation materials than
for Dakota quartzite. This suggests that pieces of Morrison material with
cortex tend to be larger than average, whereas pieces of Dakota material
with cortex tend to be of average size. This pattern is also supported
by the flake-size data in Table
31. One possible interpretation of this pattern is that Dakota quartzite
was reduced more completely than Morrison Formation materials because
of differences in the kinds of tools most often made using these respective
materials.
By Size Category
103
Table 31 presents
the number of pieces of various raw materials, with and without cortex,
that fall into each size class used in the mass analysis. The smallest
size category, smaller than ¼ in, is underrepresented among these data,
because the screens used to collect artifacts in the field had ¼-in mesh,
which resulted in most artifacts of this size falling through the screen
in the field. The few flakes of this size in the sample are all of local
material, and very few have cortex. Overall, it is apparent that pieces
of local raw material with cortex tend to be larger than pieces that do
not have cortex. Also, even though there are very few pieces of semilocal
material in the sample of chipped-stone debris, several pieces of semilocal
materials do have cortex, suggesting that primary reduction of these materials
did occur occasionally at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Raw Materials by Component
104
Table 32 summarizes
the sizes of pieces of various raw materials in the analyzed samples from
the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo. There
are too few pieces of semilocal material in the overall sample of chipped-stone
debris to determine whether any changes in the availability or use of
these materials occurred over time. However, there are relatively fewer
flakes of Dakota quartzite in the late Pueblo III sample than in the early
Pueblo III sample. This pattern is also apparent in Table
33, which presents the total count and weight of chipped-stone debris
of various raw materials in the early and late Pueblo III samples, and
in Table 34, which presents
the percentage of chipped-stone debris of various raw materials by count
and weight. Table 33 also shows that the mean weight of a piece of chipped-stone
debris decreased over time, suggesting that raw materials were reduced
more extensively during the late Pueblo III occupation of the pueblo.
Flake-Size Distributions
105
Experimental studies (Patterson
1990*1; Shott 1994*1) suggest
that plots illustrating the percentage of flakes of various sizes in an
assemblage can be used to determine the dominant reduction mode reflected
in that assemblage. Flake-size plots summarizing the by-products of experimental
dart-point manufacture usually exhibit a concave curve, with a low percentage
of large flakes and exponentially increasing numbers of smaller flakes.
In contrast, flake-size distributions derived from experimental primary-core-reduction
assemblages show a more irregular pattern, with more medium-size flakes
and fewer small flakes than are produced in bifacial reduction.
106
Figure 11 presents
flake-size distributions for the three most common raw materials in the
analyzed sample of chipped-stone debris from Woods Canyon Pueblo. These
distributions do not closely approximate experimental bifacial-reduction
assemblages, and they suggest that the dominant mode of lithic reduction
at Woods Canyon was primary-core reduction. This is an expected result,
since the stone artifact assemblage is dominated by expedient core and
flake tools, which would not produce very many small flakes. It is somewhat
surprising that the flake-size distribution for Dakota quartzite, a preferred
local material for bifacially flaked tools, does not exhibit a shape consistent
with experimental bifacial-reduction assemblages.
107
Several factors may have contributed to this lack of correspondence.
First, Dakota quartzite was used for both expedient and formal tools,
so we should expect the resulting chipped-stone debris to reflect both
primary-core and bifacial reduction. Second, many of the flakes produced
in bifacial reduction are pressure flakes that would fall through the
1/4-inch mesh used to screen deposits in the field. It is thus conceivable
that the flake-size distribution of an assemblage collected through 1/8-inch
mesh would exhibit a more concave shape. Third, the replicated projectile
point types used to define flake-size distributions for bifacial reduction
(see Patterson 1990*1; Shott
1994*1) may not be comparable to Puebloan projectile points. Most
of the bifacially flaked tools in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage are
small arrow points, whereas the replicated points in the experimental
studies used to define flake-size distributions are larger dart points.
One must produce a bifacially flaked preform as an intermediate step in
dart point manufacture, but an arrow point can also be created by pressure-flaking
a primary flake of appropriate size and shape. The by-products of arrow
points made in this way might produce very different flake-size distributions
than those observed in dart-point replication studies.
108
Figures 12 through 14 present flake-size distributions for the
three most common raw materials in the early and late Pueblo III samples
from Woods Canyon Pueblo, and these data allow an assessment of whether
the distributions changed over time. The flake-size distributions for
Morrison quartzite (Figure 12)
and Morrison chert/siltstone (Figure
13) chipped-stone debris suggest that there was little change in the
reduction of these materials during the occupation of the village. In
contrast, the shape of the flake-size distribution for Dakota quartzite,
a preferred raw material for formal tool manufacture, does vary across
the early and late Pueblo III samples (Figure
14). The early Pueblo III sample is similar to the flake-size distributions
for Morrison Formation materials, but the late Pueblo III sample exhibits
a slightly concave curve.
109
Several scenarios could account for this change. One is that formal
tools were produced more often during the late Pueblo III occupation of
Woods Canyon, perhaps in response to increased hunting activity or violent
conflict. This possibility does not appear to be borne out by the data
for chipped-stone tools, which do not suggest any significant increase
in formal tool manufacture during the late Pueblo III occupation.
110
A second possibility is resource depletion. This also seems unlikely,
since a major source of this material is still apparent on the modern
ground surface 2 km downstream from the village. Table
35 presents counts and weights of chipped-stone raw materials by temporal
component and presence/absence of cortex. If resource depletion did occur,
one might expect to find fewer pieces of Dakota quartzite, and fewer large
pieces with cortex, in the late Pueblo III assemblage. The data present
an inconsistent picture. Although there are relatively fewer pieces of
Dakota quartzite chipped-stone debris overall, a few large and heavy pieces
with cortex dominate the late Pueblo III sample. Figure
15 shows that most of the late Pueblo III sample by weight has cortex,
a result inconsistent with resource-depletion models.
111
A third possibility is that Dakota quartzite was worked more often
within the village, as opposed to outside the village,
during the late Pueblo III occupation. The widespread occurrence of defensible
architecture and physical evidence of violence (Kuckelman
2000*1; Lipe et al. 1999*1:338–343)
at late Pueblo III sites suggests that conflict was endemic during the
final decades of Puebloan occupation in the central Mesa Verde region.
If so, it may have become hazardous for people to remain outside the confines
of the village for extended periods. This could have affected the reduction
pathway for Dakota quartzite. Much more research on chipped-stone tool
production is needed to address questions raised by the chipped-stone
debris at ancient Pueblo sites.
Analysis of Projectile Points and Bifaces
Catalog, Analysis Data, and Provenience
112
Table 36 is a catalog
of all projectile points and bifaces collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Information regarding the original use, condition, material, production
stage, and size of each item, as well as the context in which each was
found, is presented. The point-classification scheme used follows Lekson
(1997*1), Pierce (1999*1),
Holmer (1986*1), and Hayes
and Lancaster (1975*1). A single large, corner-notched point (PD 603,
FS 5) characteristic of early Pueblo (Basketmaker III and Pueblo I) occupation
was found in Nonstructure 7-N, in mixed postabandonment and cultural refuse.
This object may represent an heirloom or an artifact from early use of
the area around the site that subsequently washed into the site deposits.
All other diagnostic points are of styles that are common in Pueblo sites
dating to the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods.
Form vs. Raw Material
113
Table 37 summarizes
the raw materials out of which projectile points and bifaces of various
types were made. There are two large/medium, side-notched points of agate/chalcedony
and a few small, side-notched points of nonlocal materials (obsidian,
red jasper) that could have been made elsewhere and traded into Woods
Canyon Pueblo. But none of these points is stylistically distinctive.
The recovery of an unfinished agate/chalcedony projectile point and the
presence of a few flakes of agate/chalcedony in the sample of chipped-stone
debris suggest that points of this material could have been made locally.
The absence of obsidian and red jasper in the chipped-stone debris sample
and among unfinished points, however, suggests that these points were
made elsewhere and traded into the site.
114
Among the local raw materials, Dakota quartzite was clearly favored
over Morrison chert/siltstone for projectile points, despite the fact
that Morrison Formation materials dominate the overall chipped-stone assemblage
(Table 34). A number of corner-notched
points typical of Pueblo II–period occupation (Hayes
and Lancaster 1975*1; Lekson
1997*1), including two Rosegate series points (Holmer
1986*1), were also identified. Such points are associated with both
the early and the late Pueblo III components.
Production Stage vs. Raw Material
115
Several of the points and bifaces from Woods Canyon Pueblo are
interpreted as projectile points in various stages of production (Table
38). These unfinished projectile points were classified according
to Whittaker's (1994*1:199–206)
scheme. Stage 2 refers to preforms, and Stage 3 to refined but unfinished
points. These unfinished points constitute direct evidence that projectile
points of Dakota quartzite and agate/chalcedony were made at Woods Canyon
Pueblo. The abundance of Morrison chert/siltstone in the overall chipped-stone
assemblage suggests that the single point of this material was also made
at the site. The two points of Burro Canyon chert may or may not have
been made at the site, and the three points of nonlocal materials (obsidian
and red jasper) probably were not.
Ground-Stone Tools
Artifact Category vs. Site Section
116
Table 39 summarizes
the ground-stone artifacts collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo, according
to the section of the site—canyon rim, canyon bottom, upper west
side, or east talus slope—where each was found (for definitions of
the artifact categories used, see the Crow Canyon laboratory
manual). Intrasite analysis of artifact assemblages from the seven
tested areas of the pueblo (see paragraphs
137–144) suggests that ground-stone tools were unusually abundant
in the canyon rim (Area 7) relative to the total number of artifacts recovered
from this area. Most of these artifacts are from the rim complex itself.
For example, only two of the 11 ground-stone tools in the canyon rim assemblage
were found outside the rim complex, in Nonstructure 9-N (see Database
Map 334), and both were classified as indeterminate ground stone.
The nine tools from inside the complex were of a number of different types,
and most were probably used for grinding corn.
Artifact Category vs. Raw Material
117
Table 40 summarizes
the ground-stone artifacts from Woods Canyon according to the kind of
stone from which they were made. The table shows that most ground-stone
tools were made of sandstone, a locally available, relatively coarse grained
material.
Artifact Category vs. Condition
118
Table 41 summarizes
the ground-stone artifacts from Woods Canyon Pueblo according to their
condition. Relatively few fragmentary ground-stone artifacts were classified
as abraders or one-hand manos, because their fragmentary condition made
it difficult for analysts to distinguish them from other ground-stone
artifacts.
Pecked and Polished Stone Tools
Polished Igneous Stones and Polishing/Hammerstones
119
Table 42 catalogs
all the polished igneous stones and polishing/hammerstones collected from
Woods Canyon Pueblo (for definitions of these artifact categories, see
the laboratory
manual). All the polishing/hammerstones were found in late Pueblo
III contexts, and all the polished igneous stones were found in early
Pueblo III contexts. The closest sources of the igneous rock from which
the polished igneous stones were made are McElmo Creek and the Dolores
River valley, both of which are more than 15 km from Woods Canyon Pueblo.
This suggests that either the raw material or the finished artifacts were
obtained through exchange. The uses of polishing/hammerstones are uncertain,
but these tools are similar in form and wear patterns to artifacts used
as hide grinders in historic Walpi (Adams
1988*4).
Axes and Mauls
120
Table 43 is an inventory
of all the stone axes and mauls identified in the Woods Canyon Pueblo
assemblage. The condition of each item, the material from which each was
made, basic measurements, and descriptions of use wear are reported in
this table, along with assessments of inferred use. For definitions of
the axe and maul categories, see the on-line laboratory
manual. Minimum measurements recorded under "Comments" indicate the
minimum possible measurement for a given dimension based on a fragment.
Table 44 summarizes the provenience
of each object.
121
Most axes and mauls were made of Morrison quartzite, although Dakota
quartzite was used as well. Only one maul in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage
(PD 198, FS 18) is interpreted as a definite weapon. This interpretation
is based on Woodbury's (1954*1)
review of ethnographic data on the traditional uses of axes and mauls
among the Pueblo, in which he reported that spherical, grooved mauls were
fastened to leather thongs and used as weapons in historic times. A small,
single-bitted axe that lacks use wear (PD 128, FS 20) also conforms to
Woodbury's definition of a weapon, but it seems unusually small to have
been used for this purpose.
122
Most of the remaining axes and mauls found at Woods Canyon appear
to have been worn out from heavy use, and few were found in their original,
undamaged state. In most cases, flakes and spalls that broke off of axes
and mauls during use were classified as bulk chipped stone. The evidence
of battering on maul heads and of large flakes removed from them suggests
that mauls were used for quarrying and shaping stone. Large flakes were
also removed from the bit ends of axes, but battering damage, such as
occurs from stone-on-stone contact, was rare, suggesting that heavier
axes were used for chopping and splitting wood. On the basis of replication
experiments, Mills (1987*1)
inferred that axes also might have been used for chopping sagebrush at
ground level, possibly as a step in clearing fields.
Other Stones and Minerals
Inventory
123
A wide variety of stones and minerals that were polished, ground,
flaked, battered, fire altered, or unmodified were found at Woods Canyon
Pueblo. These objects are listed in Table
45, along with their condition, material, weight, and provenience.
Modification vs. Raw Material
124
Table 46 summarizes
the other stones and minerals from Woods Canyon Pueblo, according to the
kind of modification present (if any) and the raw material from which
each was made. The "ground" category refers to miscellaneous pieces of
stone that did not fit into other ground-stone tool categories. Pigment
stones are of iron-rich material and have one or more abraded surfaces
resulting from having been ground in order to obtain the pigment. The
"polished" category includes objects that are probably ornament fragments
or blanks lacking perforations, as well as larger fragments of polished
shale. Unmodified stones and minerals were collected when, in the excavator's
opinion, they were objects that did not occur naturally at Woods Canyon
Pueblo and therefore must have been collected and carried to the site
by its inhabitants. Finally, fossils might have been collected for their
spiritual value.
125
One piece of worked turquoise (PD 241, FS 17) that might have been
an inlay piece was found. This object is made of a material that does
not occur naturally in the northern San Juan region, and therefore either
the raw material or the finished piece must have been obtained through
trade. A piece of nonlocal chert/siltstone was probably imported; it could
have been raw material procured, but never actually used, for the manufacture
of chipped-stone tools.
Bone Tools
126
Table 47 lists the
bone tools collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo, along with their condition,
species and element identifications, and provenience (for definitions
of the categories used, see the laboratory
manual). Species and element identifications for these objects
were made by Driver (see "Faunal
Remains"). Most of the worked-bone objects classified as "other modified
bone" were fragmentary, and therefore this category most likely contains
indeterminate bone artifacts rather than artifacts that do not fit into
the other bone tool categories.
127
Table 48 summarizes
these objects by artifact type, species, element, and temporal component.
It is apparent from these data that certain species were preferred for
specific types of bone tools. The larger bones and antlers of artiodactyls
(deer and elk) were preferred for hide scrapers and pressure-flakers,
whereas the smaller-diameter long bones of domestic turkeys and possibly
other large birds were better suited for needles and awls. The modified
lynx or bobcat bone may have been a ritual item, since large cats do not
appear to have made a significant contribution to the diet of the Woods
Canyon Pueblo inhabitants (see "Faunal
Remains").
128
These data also indicate that more bone tools were recovered per
gram of corrugated pottery from contexts assigned to the late Pueblo III
component than from those assigned to the early Pueblo III component.
This suggests that certain activities requiring bone tools may have taken
place more often than activities related to cooking during the late Pueblo
III occupation of the site. Since the majority of identifiable bone tools
are awls, and cooking was an essential daily activity in all households,
it is possible that the increase in bone tool deposition over time derives
from a corresponding increase in weaving and sewing activities. Intrasite
analyses (see paragraphs 139–142) further
indicate that bone tools from the late Pueblo III component were especially
abundant in Area 5 (Nonstructures 3-N and 10-N and Structure 7-S). This
spatial clustering may indicate that a specialist weaver or basketmaker
lived in Area 5. However, the specific functions of bone awls in the Woods
Canyon Pueblo assemblage were not investigated further.
Objects of Nonlocal Materials
Inventory
129
Table 49 is an inventory
of all artifacts and ecofacts in the Woods Canyon Pueblo collection made
of raw materials that do not occur in southwestern Colorado. The table
shows the material from which each object was made, the closest possible
source of each material, and the provenience of each item.
130
Very few objects of nonlocal materials were found in the excavations
at Woods Canyon. Only four nonlocal red ware sherds were found. These
sherds were not examined further, but probably represent either White
Mountain Red Ware or Tsegi Orange Ware. Two projectile points of red jasper
were probably made in the northern San Juan region west of Comb Ridge
(in southeast Utah), and an obsidian point was probably made either in
the Flagstaff area of northern Arizona or in the Jemez Mountains in New
Mexico. One piece of worked turquoise likely was made in northern New
Mexico. One unmodified olivella sp. shell also must have been
obtained through trade from either the Gulf of California or the Pacific
coast. Most of the nonlocal objects appear to have come from other parts
of the Puebloan world to the south, east, and west. There is no evidence
of exchange with more northerly peoples such as the Fremont and Numic
peoples of Utah and Colorado.
Relative Density of Nonlocal Objects
131
One way to compare the intensity of exchange relationships between
sites is to divide the number of nonlocal objects by the total grams of
corrugated pottery recovered. Corrugated pottery is a useful benchmark
for comparison of artifact densities across assemblages because cooking
pots are heavily used and eventually break, and the sherds accumulate
at relatively consistent rates proportional to the population size and
occupation span of a site (Varien
1999*1:Chp. 4). Table 50
presents these data for Castle Rock Pueblo and for the early and late
Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo. These data show that the
rate of deposition of nonlocal objects at Woods Canyon decreased over
time, but was always lower than at Castle Rock, even during the early
Pueblo III occupation.
132
Very few nonlocal objects are found in southwest Colorado sites
dating from the late Pueblo III period (Ortman
2000*2:par. 84–90, 129–131), but even by this standard, the density
of such objects at Woods Canyon Pueblo is low. The locations of Woods
Canyon and Castle Rock pueblos may be responsible for this difference.
Castle Rock is located on McElmo Creek, a likely east-west travel route,
whereas Woods Canyon Pueblo is located in the center of a maze-like canyon
system and was surrounded by a dense cluster of additional Pueblo III
villages. Both factors could have resulted in fewer long-distance travelers
visiting Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Objects of Personal Adornment
Catalog of Beads, Pendants, and Tubes
133
Table 51 lists analysis
and provenience information for objects of personal adornment found at
Woods Canyon Pueblo (for definitions of the artifact categories used,
see the on-line laboratory
manual). The majority of beads and pendants were incomplete or fragmentary,
and it is likely that additional fragmentary pendants were classified
as shaped sherds. Most of these objects were found in secondary refuse.
These patterns contrast with those documented at Castle Rock, where most
objects of personal adornment were complete and were found in contexts
that suggest accidental loss rather than discard in middens (Ortman
2000*2:par. 132).
Raw Materials by Component
134
Table 52 summarizes
the distribution of objects of personal adornment by raw material and
component. These objects were made of many different raw materials, many
of which were unusual, precious, and/or nonlocal to southwestern Colorado.
Unusual or rare materials are used selectively for personal adornment
in many cultures throughout the world. The deposition rate of objects
of personal adornment at Woods Canyon Pueblo does not appear to have changed
over time.
Intrasite Analyses
Kiva Floor Assemblages
135
The total weight of artifacts found on the floors of kivas has
been used as a line of evidence in assigning excavated areas of Woods
Canyon Pueblo to temporal components (see "Chronology").
Table 53 presents counts
and weights of pottery sherds, vessels, chipped-stone debris, and other
artifacts found on the floors of these structures. Approximately 2 m2
of floor was exposed in each structure, with the exception of Structure
9-S, where approximately 1 m2 was exposed. These data indicate
that, for the most part, more and heavier artifacts were left on the floors
of kivas assigned to the late Pueblo III component than were left on the
floors of kivas assigned to the early Pueblo III component. Counts of
chipped-stone debris are the only exception to this pattern, although
the weights indicate that heavier and perhaps still usable pieces of chipped-stone
debris tended to be left in the late Pueblo III structures. Several of
the very large and heavy "other artifacts" left on the floors of the late
Pueblo III structures are ground, pecked, and polished stone tools, including
axes, manos, and metates. In contrast, the few items found on the floors
of kivas assigned to the early Pueblo III component (a broken projectile
point and bone awl, an expended core, and a bone tube) were small, light,
and often broken, and they easily could have been overlooked when inhabitants
of these structures moved to a new location.
136
The fact that both depleted and de facto (that is, containing still-usable
artifacts) floor assemblages are present in the tested kivas at Woods
Canyon Pueblo suggests two different abandonment modes for structures
at the site, and supports the inference that the site had a relatively
long use history. Early Pueblo III structures were abandoned by people
who made short-distance moves, possibly within the site itself, and who
carried usable objects to their new homes. In contrast, the number of
usable objects left behind in late Pueblo III structures indicates that
the inhabitants of these structures moved farther away and did not plan
to return. This implies that Woods Canyon Pueblo was occupied up until
the final decades of Pueblo occupation in the central Mesa Verde region.
For further discussion of kiva floor assemblages from Woods Canyon, see
"Chronology" and
"Abandonment and Emigration."
Artifact Assemblages by Site Area
137
Analysis of the architecture and layout of Pueblo III villages
in the central Mesa Verde region has identified significant variation
in the inventory and arrangement of various architectural features, including
towers, kivas, surface rooms, multiwalled structures, plazas and great
kivas, enclosing walls, and room- and kiva-dominated blocks (Lipe
and Ortman 2000*1). Whether this architectural variation correlates
with social or functional differentiation within and between villages
is an important question, one that is examined here through comparison
of artifact assemblages from the seven numbered areas at Woods Canyon
Pueblo (Database
Map 334). If social and/or functional differentiation existed
at the village, then one might expect different mixes of activities to
have occurred in different areas of the site and for these different activities
to be reflected in the artifact assemblages they generated.
138
Table 54 presents
counts and Table 55, relative
frequencies, of common artifacts by category in the seven excavated areas
at Woods Canyon Pueblo. The artifact categories used are the same as those
used in an intrasite analysis of kiva suites at Castle Rock Pueblo (Ortman
2000*2:par. 158–165). Formal chipped-stone tools include bifaces and
projectile points, and expedient chipped-stone tools include modified
flakes and other chipped-stone tools. All ground-stone tools and all bone
tools, respectively, are also considered together. Counts rather than
weights of pottery sherds were used for this analysis in order to increase
the interpretability of relative frequencies across all artifact categories.
Box Plots of Artifact Frequencies Across Site Areas
139
Figure 16 examines
the relative frequencies of common artifacts by category across the excavated
areas at Woods Canyon Pueblo. The percentages of these artifacts were
converted to Z-scores across site areas to facilitate comparison, because
some categories have many more items assigned to them than others. Z-scores
rescale the values of a distribution in such a way that the mean value
equals 0 and the standard deviation equals 1. For each plot, the white
box represents the midspread (middle 50 percent of cases) of the rescaled
distribution for that particular artifact category. The horizontal line
inside each box represents the median value, and the tails represent the
range of cases, excluding outliers. Outliers (indicated by circles on
the box plots) are values for a given artifact category that fall between
1.5 and 3 box lengths from the boundaries of the box, and extremes (indicated
by asterisks) are values that fall more than 3 box lengths away. Outliers
and extremes represent assemblages with unusually high or low relative
frequencies of a particular artifact category. The same outliers and extremes
shown in the plots of Z-scores are also identified in box plots of raw
frequencies.
140
Perhaps the most important pattern in these data is the lack of
evidence that qualitatively different activities occurred in one place
or another. In other words, activities that led to the deposition of the
analyzed artifacts occurred in every excavated area of Woods Canyon Pueblo,
a finding that indicates that basic domestic activities occurred throughout
the site, including in the rim complex. However, this finding leaves open
the possibility that certain activities that do not leave significant
artifactual traces, especially ritual activities, occurred only in certain
areas.
141
Despite this qualitative similarity, there is quantitative variation
in assemblage composition at Woods Canyon Pueblo. Two points are worth
emphasizing. First, the two early Pueblo III areas of the village, Areas
1 and 2, do not appear as outliers in the box plots for any artifact category,
whereas Areas 3, 5, 6, and 7 all appear as outliers in at least one distribution.
This may be because the largest artifact assemblages were recovered from
the early Pueblo III areas; that is, sampling error is responsible for
the outlier values from other areas with smaller sample sizes. Alternatively,
it may be that households became more specialized and interdependent as
Woods Canyon Pueblo became a community center during the late Pueblo III
period, leading to greater inter-area variation in artifact assemblage
composition.
142
Second, ground-stone tools and peckingstones, both of which were
involved in grinding corn into meal, are unusually abundant in Area 7,
which includes the two small, household kivas, a D-shaped structure, and
an enclosed plaza in the rim complex. Ground-stone tools were also unusually
abundant in trash deposits associated with a kiva inside a D-shaped enclosure
at Castle Rock Pueblo (Ortman 2000*2:par. 164),
and two-hand manos from the D-shaped structure at Sand Canyon Pueblo exhibited
more intensive use wear than did manos from other parts of that village
(Fratt 1997*1:248). Based on
this latter finding, Fratt (1997*1)
argues that inhabitants of the D-shaped structure at Sand Canyon Pueblo
produced more cornmeal than the average household, perhaps for ceremonial
consumption. The fact that discarded corn-grinding tools are associated
with D-shaped structures in three different late Pueblo III villages may
be evidence of organizational continuities across communities in the central
Mesa Verde region. It is also interesting that there is no corresponding
evidence of increased cooking activity in the rim complex at Woods Canyon,
raising the possibility that the additional cornmeal produced in this
area was used for ritual purposes.
Correspondence Analysis of Artifact Counts by Site Area
143
Correspondence analysis is a multivariate analytical technique
that produces the best possible projection of multivariate data onto two
axes, so that the degree of relationship between cases and variables can
be examined visually (Baxter 1994*1:Chp.
5). Figure 17 presents correspondence
analysis results for the data in Table
54. Counts are appropriate input data for this type of analysis because
the technique takes sample size into account in such a way that larger
collections and more common categories exert a greater effect on the placement
of variables and cases on the resultant axes. The first two axes produced
account for almost 90 percent of the total variation or inertia in the
input data.
144
The results of correspondence analysis do not add significantly
to our understanding of intrasite variation in artifact assemblages at
Woods Canyon Pueblo. Areas 5 and 7 are plotted fairly close to ground-stone
tools, peckingstones, cores, and chipped-stone debris. Areas 1, 2, 4,
and 6 are placed close to the center of the plot, suggesting that they
possess typical artifact assemblages. Area 3 is clearly distinguished
from the other areas. Examination of the frequency data in Table
55 suggests that this distinctiveness is due to an anomalously high
percentage of corrugated jars. It is unclear why corrugated jar sherds
should be so anomalously abundant or other common artifacts so anomalously
rare in this area.
Analysis of Artifact Densities in Kiva Fill and Roof-Fall Deposits
145
This section examines the density of artifacts in the postabandonment
fill and roof-fall deposits in the tested kivas at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Eight of the nine roofs of the tested kivas are interpreted to have been
at least partly dismantled when their inhabitants moved out of the structures.
When the roofs were dismantled, artifacts lying on the kiva courtyard
surfaces would have fallen into the structures, along with unsalvaged
roofing material. In addition, the collapse of roofs into subterranean
kivas would have created natural sinks where postabandonment deposits
could have accumulated. Finally, in some cases at other sites, kiva depressions
were used as trash dumps or were filled intentionally. Each of these processes
introduced artifacts into the deposits that filled abandoned kivas at
the site. Analysis of artifact densities in these deposits may provide
evidence of one or more of these processes.
146
Elevations and profile maps were used were used to calculate the
volume of excavated fill and roof-fall deposits in each tested kiva at
Woods Canyon Pueblo, and the total number of artifacts in each of these
deposits was also calculated. These data are presented in Table
56, along with information on the temporal component, roof treatment,
test-pit locations, and depositional setting of each tested structure.
Figure 18 compares the fill
and roof-fall artifact densities from these structures and illustrates
that there is little correlation between the two. This suggests that different
processes were responsible for the accumulation of artifacts in these
two kinds of deposits. In most cases, artifact densities in fill deposits
were below 300 artifacts per cubic meter, in the range that Varien
(1999*1:Chp. 6) interpreted as typical of naturally collapsing and
filling pit structures. The artifact density in the fill of Structure
9-S, however, is much higher. The excavators identified occupational deposits
(Nonstructure 1-N) directly overlying the fill of this early Pueblo III
structure, and this might have been the source of these artifacts. In
contrast, two categories are suggested by the densities of artifacts in
roof-fall deposits: one group consists of structures with roof-fall artifact
densities below 200 artifacts per cubic meter, and the second group consists
of structures with densities of between 350 and 500 artifacts per cubic
meter.
147
Figure 19 examines
the fill artifact data more closely by comparing the number of artifacts
in fill with the volume of fill excavated in each structure. The points
defined by these data are labeled according to the depositional setting
of each structure, as reported in Table
56. The linear-regression line shows that there is a positive relationship
between the volume of fill excavated and the number of artifacts recovered;
however, it is also apparent that for a given volume of excavated fill,
structures located in high-deposition environments, such as talus slope
benches and bases, tend to have more artifacts than structures located
in low-deposition environments, such as the canyon rim, the base of the
cliff, and areas immediately downslope of large boulders. Depositional
environment appears to be a more significant factor than time period in
accounting for the density of fill artifacts, since early Structures 1-S
and 9-S are above the regression line while Structures 2-S and 3-S are
below it.
148
Figure 20 examines
the roof-fall artifact data more closely by comparing the number of roof-fall
artifacts with the volume of roof-fall excavated in each structure. The
points defined by these data are labeled according to the location of
the test pit within each structure, as reported in Table
56 (specifically, the test pits in which structure walls were discovered
are distinguished from those in which walls were not found). The linear-regression
analysis shows that, once again, there is a positive relationship between
the volume of roof fall excavated and the number of artifacts recovered.
However, in this case, roof-fall deposits located close to walls contain
more artifacts per cubic meter than do roof-fall deposits in the centers
of structures: all the test pits in which structure walls were exposed
fall above the regression line; all the test pits in which walls were
not exposed fall below this line. The density of roof-fall artifacts appears
to relate more to the placement of test pits within structures than to
time period, since early Structures 2-S and 3-S are below the regression
line and late Structures 1-S and 9-S are above it. Roof-fall artifacts
also appear to be more strongly correlated with test-pit placement than
with depositional setting, since Structure 8-S, in a low-deposition setting,
is above the regression line, whereas Structure 5-S, in a high-deposition
setting, is below it.
149
Table 57 uses t-tests
to examine the likelihood that sampling error accounts for the differences
in fill and roof-fall artifact densities across the tested kivas under
several different models that could account for these differences. The
results of these tests suggest that depositional setting better accounts
for variation in fill artifact density than does period of occupation,
and that the location of the test pit within each structure better accounts
for roof-fall artifact density than does period of occupation or depositional
setting. Figure 21 separates
the densities of pottery sherds, chipped-stone debris, and other artifacts
across the tested-structure fills and illustrates that kiva depressions
in high-deposition environments tended to accumulate more of all three
kinds of artifacts than did structures in low-deposition environments.
Figure 22 presents these
same data for roof-fall deposits, which clearly show the effect of test-pit
placement on roof-fall artifact densities.
150
One possible explanation for the increased artifact density of
roof-fall deposits close to structure walls relates to the effects of
kiva-courtyard maintenance. Ethnographic studies of the ways village agriculturalists
maintain their houses suggest that work areas were periodically swept
to remove debris and keep the area safe and clean (Arnold
1990*1; Hayden and Cannon 1983*1).
Varien (1999*2:Chp. 22) has
observed that, when the pattern is not obscured by natural post-depositional
processes, a "toft" zone exhibiting a relatively high density of artifacts
can be seen on the modern ground surface around the kiva depressions of
Mesa Verde Pueblo sites. This suggests that kiva roof–courtyards
were maintained work areas. If so, the elevated artifact density of roof-fall
deposits close to walls in abandoned kivas with dismantled roofs could
have resulted from artifacts accumulating around the edges of kiva courtyards
during the Puebloan occupation, and then falling or eroding into these
structures as the roofs were dismantled.
Summary
151
The artifacts recovered from excavations at Woods Canyon Pueblo
indicate that this site was occupied throughout the Pueblo III period
(A.D. 1140–1280) and grew into a community center during the A.D.
1200s. Pottery sherds classified as Basketmaker III and Pueblo I period
types were too rare to suggest habitation of the site area during these
periods. Sherds classified as Mancos Black-on-white were recovered in
sufficient quantity to suggest some use of the site area during the late
Pueblo II period, but for a number of reasons outlined in the discussion
of site components (paragraphs 9–23), it is
argued that these sherds do not indicate significant occupation. Tree-ring,
structure location, pottery, architecture, and structure-abandonment data
all support the identification of early and late Pueblo III components
at the site (see "Chronology,"
this report).
152
Division of the site collections into two temporal components made
possible an examination of changes in artifacts associated with the development
of Woods Canyon Pueblo as a community center during the final decades
of Pueblo occupation in the central Mesa Verde region. Most of the significant
findings presented in this report relate to differences noted between
the early and late Pueblo III components. Each of these findings is discussed
in further detail in the relevant previous sections.
153
A much higher percentage of the white ware pottery found at Woods
Canyon Pueblo was decorated using mineral paint than is common in contemporaneous
sites to the south and east. It appears that during the Pueblo III period
there was a gradient along which the use of mineral paint increased as
one traveled north and west from Mesa Verde proper. It is possible that
analysts accustomed to the near-absence of mineral-painted sherds in Pueblo
III sites in the Sand Canyon locality introduced bias into the analysis
of sherds from Woods Canyon, which led to the misidentification of some
mineral-painted Pueblo III sherds as Pueblo II types.
154
Pottery sherd and rim-arc data suggest that as Woods Canyon Pueblo
became a community center, more and larger corrugated cooking pots were
used in preparing meals. Two distinct sizes of serving bowl also developed,
with large bowls becoming more common. Finally, larger white ware serving
bowls appear to have been decorated more often on their exteriors, suggesting
that they were viewed more often from the side. These data all suggest
increased preparation and consumption of communal meals during the late
Pueblo III occupation of the pueblo, a pattern that has also been noted
at other late Pueblo III community centers (see Ortman
2000*2).
155
There is abundant evidence that white ware pottery vessels were
manufactured by many different inhabitants of Woods Canyon Pueblo, but
no clear evidence of corrugated pottery manufacture was found. Also, more
corrugated than white ware vessels deposited at Woods Canyon were tempered
with igneous rock that is not available within an easy walking distance
from the site. These igneous-tempered cooking pots may have functioned
better or lasted longer than cooking pots tempered with locally available
sedimentary materials. Taken together, these data raise the possibility
of specialized production and exchange of corrugated cooking pots at sites
located closer to sources of igneous rock, or at least trade in the rock
itself. In contrast, it appears that white ware exchange was less structured
and probably took the form of gift exchange between friends and relatives
living in nearby settlements.
156
Size distributions of chipped-stone debris suggest that primary-core
reduction using locally available materials to make expedient core and
flake tools was the primary mode of chipped-stone reduction at Woods Canyon
Pueblo. It also appears that during the final decades of occupation local
raw materials were reduced more intensively within the village than at
locations outside the village. Resource depletion or an increasingly hostile
social landscape may have been responsible for these changes.
157
Objects made of nonlocal materials were even more rare at Woods
Canyon Pueblo than at Castle Rock Pueblo, and the frequency of such objects
decreased during the final decades of occupation. This evidence of minimal
interaction with peoples living outside the central Mesa Verde region
may be explained by the location of Woods Canyon Pueblo in the center
of a dense cluster of Pueblo III villages and away from natural travel
corridors to the south, east, and west. All objects of nonlocal material,
with the exception of a single marine shell, are traceable to areas where
other ancient Pueblo communities existed; there is no evidence of interaction
with contemporaneous, non-Pueblo peoples to the north.
158
Artifacts left on the floors of the tested kivas at Woods Canyon
suggest that the late Pueblo III occupants moved far away and did not
plan to return, as is believed to have occurred during the final emigrations
of Pueblo people from the central Mesa Verde region. In contrast, it appears
that the early Pueblo III occupants moved close by and returned often
enough to take usable artifacts to their new homes, which in some cases
were probably built just upslope, within the boundaries of the village.
159
Differences in the relative percentages of common artifact types
across the seven excavated areas of the pueblo may indicate increasing
specialization of tasks over the course of the Pueblo III period, although
sampling error may also be responsible for this variation. For example,
the clustering of worked bone tools in Area 5 may indicate that a specialist
weaver or basketmaker lived in the village during the late Pueblo III
period. Also, despite clear evidence that basic, domestic activities occurred
throughout the village, the relative abundance of corn-grinding tools
in the rim complex suggests that more cornmeal was prepared in this area
than in other parts of the village. The two kiva suites (or houses) identified
in the rim complex are associated with a D-shaped structure. Kiva suites
associated with D-shaped structures at Sand Canyon and Castle Rock pueblos
also appear to be linked with increased corn grinding, suggesting that
preparation of cornmeal was an important activity tied to whatever status
was signaled by a D-shaped building.
160
Finally, it appears that the density of artifacts in dismantled roof deposits
in kivas is higher adjacent to structure walls than it is in more central
areas. This pattern may have resulted from the routine sweeping of kiva
courtyards during the occupation, which would have concentrated small
artifacts around the perimeter of the kiva courtyard. These artifacts
would have been incorporated into the roof-fall deposits when the roof
and courtyard were dismantled at abandonment.
Back (paragraphs 1–90).
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